চীনাংশুক

শেখ হাসিনার চীন সফর সফল হোক। বাংলাদেশ চীনাংশুকের স্পর্শধন্য হোক।[...]

চীনে ভাষ্যকারের অভাব আছে আর ভারতে ভাষ্যকারের প্রাদুর্ভাব। তাই চীনের বিষয়ে জানতে উপযুক্ত লোক খুঁজে পাওয়া খুব কঠিন হয়, তার চেয়ে নিজের চেষ্টায় যতটুকু জানা যায় ততটুকুই লাভ। ভারতকে জানতে উপযুক্ত লোকের অভাব হয় না, কিন্তু নিজের মতো করে ভারতকে জানতে প্রচুর বাধার সম্মুখীন হতে হয়, কারণ জানার আগেই এতসব ধারনার সাথে পরিচিত হয়ে যেতে হয় — তখন ধারনার ভুলশুদ্ধ নিয়ে ব্যস্ত থাকতে থাকতে আসল জানাটাই আর হয়ে ওঠে না।

ভারতের বড় শহরগুলোর কোনো একটিতে গিয়ে আপনি যদি সমকালীন রাজনীতি সমাজনীতি নিয়ে আড্ডা মারতে চান — আপনার মনে হবে, আপনি রাজনীতি সমাজনীতির শ্রেষ্ঠতম বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের চত্বরে অবস্থান করছেন। কিন্তু সেশহরগুলোতেই যদি আপনি কোনো একটি বিশেষ পণ্য সম্বন্ধে জানতে চেষ্টা করেন, আপনার মনে হবে সবাই আপনার ভক্তি কামনা করছেন। আপনি ভক্তি জ্ঞাপন করলেই ওই বিশেষ পণ্য বিষয়ে যাবতীয় বাবাধর্মী বাচালতা নিরলসভাবে আপনার সামনে পরিবেশিত হতে থাকবে। চীনে আপনি রাজনীতি সমাজনীতি বিষয়ে কোনো বড় শহরের যার সাথেই আলাপ করতে যাবেন, আপনার আলাপ বেশি দূর আগাবে না আর তাদের আগ্রহের চূড়ান্ত অভাবে আপনিও এক পর্যায়ে থমকে যাবেন – মনে মনে ভাববেন ছোট ছোট চোখের এমানুষগুলো আসলেই কিছু দেখতে পায় না। এবার সেখানেই কোনো বিশেষ পণ্য নিয়ে জানতে চান, দেখবেন এক দঙ্গল লোক আপনাকে ওই বিশেষ পণ্যটি সম্বন্ধে জানাতে আগ্রহী, কিছুক্ষণ পর আপনি ওই বিশেষ পণ্যের এতরকম আকার ও ধরনের সাথে পরিচিত হবেন, আপনি দিশাহারা বোধ করতে থাকবেন।

আমাদের প্রধানমন্ত্রী কিছুদিন আগে ভারত সফর করেছেন, দুয়েক দিনের মধ্যে তিনি চীন সফর করতে যাচ্ছেন। ভারতের সফরে প্রচুর প্রতিশ্রুতি ও ধারনার সাথে তার পরিচয় ঘটেছে, তিনি ভারত-বাংলাদেশ সম্পর্ক নিয়ে প্রাজ্ঞ হয়েছেন এবিষয়ে কোনো সন্দেহ নেই, কিন্তু তিনি কী পেয়েছেন সেবিষয়ে প্রচুর সন্দেহ আছে। কিন্তু তারপরও তিনি অনেক কিছু পাবেন এই ভরসাও তার অমূলক নয়। ভারতের সাথে সম্পর্কে ভক্তিতেই মুক্তি, এই আপ্তবাক্য থেকে আপনি কখনোই সরতে পারবেন না।

কিন্তু আমি সত্যিই জানি না প্রধানমন্ত্রী তার অত্যাসন্ন চীন সফরের জন্য কী কী প্রস্তুতি নিয়েছেন। চীনের কাছ থেকে কিছু পেতে হলে সেটা সরাসরি জানাতে হবে, আমি এই চাই – চীন ওই বিশেষ পণ্য যেভাবেই হোক আপনার দোরগোড়ায় পৌঁছে দেবে, এতে কোনো সন্দেহ নেই। কিন্তু সেসাথে তার কোনো এক পণ্যের অসংখ্য আকার ও ধরনের মধ্য থেকে বুঝেশুনে একেবারে সঠিকটাই আপনাকে বেছে নিতে হবে। আপনার বাছাইয়ে ভুল থাকলে চীন কখনো তার দায়িত্ব নেবে না। চীনের কাছ থেকে কিছু পেতে হলে চাওয়ার সময়ই ঠিকঠাক চাইতে হবে। সেখানে ভরসার কিছু নেই। তাই চীনের সাথে কূটনীতিতে সম্পর্কের কোনো দাম নেই, আপনি চীনকে কতটুকু জানেন এবং চীনকে আপনি কতটুকু জানতে চান আপনার সেই আকাঙ্ক্ষার ওপরই নির্ভর করবে চীনের সাথে আপনার দ্বিপাক্ষিক সম্পর্ক। ঠিক ভারতের সাথে কূটনীতিতে সম্পর্ক যেরকম খুবই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ, চীনের ক্ষেত্রে কিন্তু একেবারেই তা নয়। আপনার ইচ্ছাপত্রটিকে কিছু পণ্যের সমাহার ভাবুন, আপনি উত্তীর্ণ হবেন – আপনার ইচ্ছাপত্রকে যদি ভক্তিসংহিতা করে তোলেন, আপনি উপেক্ষিত হবেন। আমি জয়ী আজ – এ পথে নয় – আমি এই চীনাংশুকটি চাই – এ পথেই খুলবে চীনের দরজা – আপনাকে সার্বক্ষণিক সচেতন থাকতে হবে, তাহলে ঠিকই দেখবেন, ঠিক আপনার চাওয়া চীনাংশুক এসে গেছে আপনার দুয়ারে।

শেখ হাসিনার চীন সফর সফল হোক। বাংলাদেশ চীনাংশুকের স্পর্শধন্য হোক।

মাসুদ করিম

লেখক। যদিও তার মৃত্যু হয়েছে। পাঠক। যেহেতু সে পুনর্জন্ম ঘটাতে পারে। সমালোচক। কারণ জীবন ধারন তাই করে তোলে আমাদের। আমার টুইট অনুসরণ করুন, আমার টুইট আমাকে বুঝতে অবদান রাখে। নিচের আইকনগুলো দিতে পারে আমার সাথে যোগাযোগের, আমাকে পাঠের ও আমাকে অনুসরণের একগুচ্ছ মাধ্যম।

১৯ comments

  1. মাসুদ করিম - ৯ জুন ২০১০ (১১:০৮ অপরাহ্ণ)

    আজ টুইটারে লিখেছি

    গণভোটতন্ত্রের ভারত ও স্বয়ংসেবক সমাজতন্ত্রের চীনের মধ্যে একটা বড় মিল হল দুটি দেশই ফুটবলে ঠনঠনে।

    টুইটারে আমি এখানে http://twitter.com/urumurum

  2. মাসুদ করিম - ১৪ জুন ২০১০ (১:৩০ অপরাহ্ণ)

    চীনের ভাইস প্রেসিডেন্ট বাংলাদেশ পৌঁছেছেন। তিনি ১৪-২৪ জুন বাংলাদেশ, লাওস, নিউজিল্যান্ড ও অস্ট্রেলিয়া সফর করবেন। বাংলাদেশ সফরের প্রধান উদ্দেশ্য বাংলাদেশ-চীনের কূটনৈতিক সম্পর্কের ৩৫ তম বার্ষিকী উদযাপন।

    Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping will visit Bangladesh, Laos, New Zealand and Australia from June 14 to 24. Xi’s visit would play a crucial role in further deepening China’s economic and trade cooperation with these Asia-Pacific nations. On the eve of Xi’s incoming trip, Chinese Vice-Minister of Commerce Chen Jian highlighted the development of bilateral trade between China and these four countries.

    The year 2010 marks the 35th anniversary of forging China-Bangladesh diplomatic ties, and the two nations have been cooperating fruitfully in all areas. With the establishment of Sino-Bangladesh Comprehensive Partnership of Cooperation in 2005, a new chapter has opened up bilateral friendship and cooperation.

    Bilateral trade jumped by 370 percent from 970 million US dollars in 2001 to 4.6 billion dollars in 2009 and, in the first four months of this year, bilateral trade reached 1.805 billion dollars, a hefty rise of 39.9 percent year-on-year. By late April, China’s engineering service export to Bangladesh had amounted to about 5 billion dollars, involving such industrial sectors as electric power, transport, telecommunications, water supply and chemicals.

    বিস্তারিত পড়ুন এখানে

  3. মাসুদ করিম - ১৫ জুন ২০১০ (৩:০৩ অপরাহ্ণ)

    বাংলাদেশ-চীন কূটনৈতিক সম্পর্কের ক্রমপঞ্জি

    Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping arrived in Dhaka Monday for a visit to the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

    The following is a chronology of major events in the Sino-Bangladeshi relations since 1975:

    On Oct. 4, 1975, the two countries established diplomatic relations.

    In January 1977, Zia Rahman visited China as Bangladesh’s chief executive of Martial Law and chief of the Army Staff. The two countries signed agreements on economic and technological cooperation and trade.

    In March 1978, Chinese Vice Premier Li Xiannian visited Bangladesh. It was the first visit to Bangladesh by a Chinese leader.

    In July 1980, Bangladeshi President Zia Rahman visited China. The two countries inked agreements covering loans and aviation transportation.

    From 1982 to 1990, Bangladeshi President Hussain Mohammad Ershad paid five visits to China — in November 1982, July 1985, July 1987, November 1988 and June 1990, respectively.
    In March 1986, Chinese President Li Xiannian visited Bangladesh.

    In November 1989, Chinese Premier Li Peng visited Bangladesh. The two countries signed agreements covering trade and mutual exemption of visas.

    In June 1991, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Khalida Zia paid an official visit to China.

    In September 1996, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hashina visited China in her first visit to foreign countries after assuming office. The two countries signed agreements on avoidance of double taxation and prevention of tax evasion.

    In April 1999, Li Peng visited Bangladesh as the chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of China.

    In January 2002, Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji visited Bangladesh and signed seven agreements with the Bangladeshi government.

    In December 2002, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Khalida Zia visited China and signed four agreements with the Chinese government. The exchange of visits by Zhu and Zia in the same year was a milestone in the development of the Sino-Bangladeshi relations.

    In December 2003, Jia Qinglin, chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, visited Bangladesh.

    In April 2005, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited Bangladesh. The two countries established a comprehensive cooperative partnership featuring long-term friendship, equality and mutual benefit. Both sides also declared the year 2005 as the “Year of China-Bangladesh Friendship” to celebrate the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations.

    In August 2005, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Khalida Zia visited China.

    In September 2008, Chief Adviser to the Bangladeshi caretaker government Fakhruddin Ahmed visited China.

    In March 2010, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina visited China. The two countries issued a joint statement to build a “closer comprehensive partnership of cooperation.”

    লিন্ক এখানে

  4. মাসুদ করিম - ২১ জুন ২০১০ (১২:০৬ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    পড়ুন প্রথম আলোয় বিশেষ সাক্ষাৎকার : ভূ-রাজনৈতিক কারণে চীনের কাছে বাংলাদেশ গুরুত্বপূর্ণ

  5. মাসুদ করিম - ২৩ জুন ২০১৩ (৪:৪৯ অপরাহ্ণ)

    চীনাংশুক পথের নতুন একটা সংস্করণ দেখতে যাচ্ছি আমরা, আমেরিকার এনএসএ লিকার এডওয়ার্ড স্নোডেনকে হংকং থেকে মস্কো, সেখান থেকে হাভানা, হাভানা থেকে কারাকাস পাঠানোর বেইজিং-এর এই পরিকল্পনাকে বলছি আমি, সিল্কলিকরুট। বেইজিং-কে নিয়ে সদাসতর্কতার তুঙ্গ সময় উপস্থিত হয়েছে। আমরা কতটুকু এব্যাপারে সচেতন?

  6. মাসুদ করিম - ২৬ সেপ্টেম্বর ২০১৩ (১:৩৯ অপরাহ্ণ)

  7. মাসুদ করিম - ৬ জুন ২০১৪ (১২:৩০ অপরাহ্ণ)

  8. মাসুদ করিম - ২৮ আগস্ট ২০১৪ (১০:১৬ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    Bangladesh’s export to China quadruples

    Bangladesh’s exports to China made a quantum leap in the last fiscal year (FY) indicating that a new and very potential export market, especially for the country’s readymade garments, was opening up just next door.

    Over the last four years, according to an official count, the volume of exports to the Chinese market increased more than four times.

    The Export Promotion Bureau (EPB) data shows that merchandise shipments to China, also the country’s largest source of necessary imports, totalled US$ 746.198 million in the FY 2013-14. It posted a robust 63 per cent growth compared to the $ 458.118 million of the previous FY 2012-13.

    Commensurate with the steady growth in the two-way trade, export earnings from China in the first month (July) of this fiscal (2014-15) grew by 53.88 per cent to $79.47 million from $ 51.64 million during the previous corresponding period.

    Exports to the world’s second-largest economy–which boasts the biggest population in the world–have increased more than four times over the last four years. The export turnover was worth a modest amount of US $ 178.630 million in the FY 2009-10.

    Officials and entrepreneurs attributed the phenomenal rise mainly to the zero-tariff access it provided to Bangladesh as well as the switchover to high-end fashion-design items and also graduation to hi-tech industry from basic products.

    Currently, Bangladesh as a least-developed country (LDC) got duty-and quota-free access for 4,788 products to the Chinese market as of July 2010. The trading list, according to Bangladesh Tariff Commission, accounts for 67 per cent of the country’s export basket.

    The items Bangladesh exports to China include readymade garments and textiles, fish and crabs, leather and leather goods, jute and jute-yarn and plastic waste, according to the EPB data. The apparel products constitute a third of the exportable.

    Bangladesh exported readymade garment (RMG) items worth about US$ 241.37 million to China in the last FY against $ 139.14 in the previous fiscal. The growth was 57.64 per cent. In the FY 2011-12, the amount was $ 104.52 million. “China is gradually drifting away from the basic RMG items because of high cost and switching over to high-tech industries, leaving a big scope for Bangladesh to grab the market,” said Bangladesh Knitwear Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BKMEA) vice-president Mohammad Hatem.

    “We are very optimistic about being able to grab the China market and hope to increase our exports to the tune of one billion dollars within a couple of years,” said Mr Hatem.

    The business leader described details about their initiatives on emerging markets-which are unfolding when the country is facing some problems, especially regarding compliance with conditions, in the western world.

    “Among the new markets China is very important for us, next to Japan and Russia,” he added.

    “The internal demand for apparel items in China is worth US$ 310 billion annually. If we can grab 1 per cent of the market share, then we will be able to export apparels worth US$3 billion within the next few years to China,” he said.

    According to sources, at present Bangladesh accounts for 5.0 per cent of world RMG exports while China’s share of the trade is 30 per cent. But China is slipping from its top position, losing 5.0 per cent of its contribution annually due to labour shortages and high labour costs.

    Due to declining profit margins and capacity constraints in China, investors are looking for other lower-cost countries for making investments in readymade garment (RMG) manufacturing, and producing and sourcing garment products.

    Bangladesh’s apparel exports could triple by 2020 as the European and the US buyers also plan to strengthen their presence in the country and new players are planning to enter the market, seen as ‘Next China’, according to a study.

    According to industry sources, the prospect of sequestering the upscale products also looks bright. Even Chinese investors are coming to Bangladesh to explore export possibilities here.

  9. মাসুদ করিম - ১১ অক্টোবর ২০১৪ (২:২৬ অপরাহ্ণ)

  10. মাসুদ করিম - ৮ ডিসেম্বর ২০১৪ (৯:০৩ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    Future beckons BCIM-EC
    Moazzem Hossain, back from China

    Acronyms are aplenty in economic parlance, in both global and regional perspectives, these days. In one way or other, these are now part of semantics, making sound or creating ‘noise’. Do they make sense or carry substance, too? Perhaps, not all of them. But some of them do.

    From this point of view, BCIM-EC, an acronym for Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar-Economic Corridor, holds out promising prospects for regional economic integration, being integral to the globalisation process.

    Interactions with the Chinese officials, academicians and other relevant functionaries in both Beijing and Kunming on a week-long visitors’ programme, provided a scope to get some insight into how China would like to look at the potential of the BCIM-EC.

    China is quite serious about operationalising this economic corridor as an adjunct to its mega project, New Asian Silk Road. This will be, as it considers, a ‘win-win’ situation for all its partner-countries, unfolding new opportunities for reaping the dividends of connectivity, trade and investment promotion, technological upgradation and a lot more.

    The potential benefits for the BCIM-EC member-countries are, on all counts, immense. This hardly needs elaboration. ‘Geo-economics’ dictates the need for walking the walk to make this regional grouping effective at the earliest. The countries concerned – Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar – have been talking the talk about BCIM-EC for quite some time – beginning from 1999 under Tack-II process that involves the representatives of the Civil Society to its upgradation to inter-governmental level (Track-I) after the holding of the first meeting of the Joint Study Group (JSG) in Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province of China, in 2013. This would suggest that enough of spadework was done to help move the process forward.

    Time is now ripe for positioning it as a conduit to harnessing its intended benefits in the collective interests of all its four-member countries to the optimal extent through a phase-by-phase action programme. The BCIM-EC will be the sixth economic corridor for the would-be New Silk Road. China has already earmarked $40 billion for this route that would revive the 2000-year-old Silk Road. ‘One Belt and One Road’, as the resource personnel of the Academy of Macroeconomic Research under China’s most powerful body, National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), explained, is the moot theme of the New Silk Road, in conjunction with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.

    There is no apparent reason to dub these two initiatives as ‘geo-politics’ to pursue ‘strategic objectives’ through economic initiatives. These are essentially about upgrading logistics and strengthening multi-modal connectivity-the factors that are all too important for economic prosperity and peoples’ well-being in today’s globalised economy.

    Mr. Guo Yezhou, Vice Minister of International Department of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC), made it pointedly clear that China would like to play ‘a responsible role’ on the global stage, in tandem with its growing economic might. And China, as his words would suggest, is now projecting itself not only as a confident and assertive power but also as a constructive one. Because of its important stake in the global economy, it also appreciates how peace, security and development are now interwined in an evolving new international order that involves elements of both competition and cooperation.

    Both the New Silk Road and New Maritime Silk Road, as being pivoted by China, are pro-active, not reactive, moves to extend its infrastructure-development programmes, backed by its plenty of money and enormous expertise. It has clearly demonstrated in recent years its most remarkable performance in infrastructure-related areas in history. The economic case for making huge investments in infrastructure in Asia is all too evident. There is not much to argue about it. That explains amply well why Beijing has taken the lead role in setting up Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).

    That is also the case with Brics Bank. Brics is another acronym for Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The Brics first came together for their first annual summit two years ago. The stated purpose of the Brics Bank is to lend to infrastructure. The Brics is mostly against, for instance, interference in affairs of other nations, particularly of the unilateral sort.

    In this context, there is no denying that the new initiative – the New Silk Road in tandem with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road – would, if it is operationalised in the way that it is conceived by Beijing, enhance China’s role as one of the leading powers not only in Asia but also around the globe. This is an unpalatable development for those who have been trying to maintain the ‘status quo’ of the existing global power structure.

    Looking at the BCIM-EC from the Bangladesh perspective, there is every reason, based on pragmatism, to consider it (the new regional grouping) a ‘win-win’ case. The ‘economic corridor’-a modern version of the ancient Silk Road-will provide scope to exploit existing complementarities of all four countries in trade, in terms of both sectors and products, while offering opportunities to promoting investments that it badly needs, through trade facilitation measures and greater participation of its public and private sectors. The latter can lead to achieving greater efficiency and diversification of its economy to strengthen its competitiveness, enhance the quality of its human resources and raise overall competitiveness in new areas of activities.

    The BCIM countries, on a broader level, account for 9.0 per cent of the global landmass and 40 per cent of the global population. Trade between Bangladesh, India, China and Myanmar was about 8.0 per cent in 2005. It has grown both within the region and with outside countries since then, being largely driven by China.

    If the area of the BCIM-EC-running from Yunnan province of China with Kunming as the former’s capital to Kolkata, the capital of the Indian state of Pashimbanga and covering India’s northeastern provinces and linking Mandalaya in Myanmar and Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh – is considered, the combined population of this regional grouping would be 440 million. And intra-regional trade among the countries of the BCIM-EC amounted to 5.0 per cent of total BCIM trade in 2012. This is strikingly low at a disportionate level, if compared to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) where 35 per cent of total trade is intra-regional.

    Viewed from the angle of regional cooperation, BCIM-EC might become the game changer that South Asia needs. To date, South Asia has not come close to enjoying the same economic success that East Asia has already reaped and the ASEAN region is in the process of reaping.

    But such things are easier said than done. Pro-active engagement of all four member-countries of the BCIM-EC and open-mindedness, forsaking the elements of mistrust or distrust, on some real or perceived grounds, and leaving aside the irritants of political and ‘security’ nature as the hangovers of the past, will be sine quo non for making it (the regional forum) a real, effective body, working along its stated goals, purposes and objectives.

    It is pertinent to note here, particularly from the perspectives of relatively smaller countries like Bangladesh in South Asia, that regional cooperation arrangements like that of SAARC-another acronym for South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) – have not been able to move things forward much. The SAARC is still practically a ‘non-starter’. Last month’s 18th SAARC Summit in Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, has demonstrated how bilateral acrimony – a baggage of the past – between two of its large countries can mar the prospects for meaningful cooperation among this eight-nation group in a ‘win-win’ situation for all concerned. Serious doubts persist about the future of framework agreement – the lone one of significance to mention – on cooperation in energy sector that was agreed in Kathmandu. The deal on SAFTA – an acronym for South Asian Free Trade Agreement – that was made many years back, has not yet made any operational progress, in real terms.

    Given the most unimpressive track record of SAARC about promoting regional cooperation in the poorest part of the world, in terms of the numbers of people below the poverty line, questions are raised, on valid grounds, about its (SAARC’s) practical utility after nearly three decades of its ‘operational’ existence. One can only surmise that the mere ‘survival’ of this regional cooperative body for so many years is its ‘sole achievement’.

    Besides the SAARC, there are also other regional or sub-regional cooperation arrangements that are of relevance to Bangladesh. BIMSTEC, an acronym for Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), has been in place for a considerable period of time. Its secretariat was opened in Dhaka this year but this body is yet to make any visible impact on the ground level as an economic cooperation mechanism.

    And also this year, the proposal for a new regional grouping-BIG-B – an acronym for the Bay of Bengal Industrial Growth Belt – was made by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan during his visit to Bangladesh. It is still at the conceptual stage, though it has also made a ‘noise’, hinting at Japan’s support for concretising the idea into actions.

    Harmonising actions on such acronyms for different sorts of regional cooperative mechanism – new, evolving, or old ones – is part of the dynamics of the present-day economic diplomacy and also perhaps beyond it. All these have some overlapping features. Time dictates that there is effective coordination of works by those involved in matters concerning such bodies, by taking the felt-needs of the people into consideration. Otherwise, such acronyms will make only sound and hardly any substance.

    One Belt, One Road: China intensifies economic diplomacy

    China considers that the first step to going global is to go regional. Discussions and meetings of the Bangladesh Media Team with some relevant analysts and observers in Beijing and Yunnan give this impression.

    As China reshapes its economic diplomacy under its president, Xi Jinping, considered to be the most powerful leader in the post-Deng Xiaoping era, the reinvigoration of the ancient Silk Route has drawn its focus. In September 2013, President Xi outlined plans for its revival. Two massive trade and infrastructure networks — the New Silk Road (also known as the Silk Road Economic Belt) and the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st country — were unveiled then. And these proposed modern networks, after building and expansion of high-speed rail, motorways (roads), pipelines, ports and fibre-optic cables, stretching across the region, will be purported to “break the connectivity bottleneck” that has seriously hindered development in many developing countries in Asia and even beyond.

    China-led Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives incorporate one common goal: “One Belt and One Road”.

    Senior research fellows and concerned high officials in China hold the view that this initiative will help deepen economic cooperation between and among countries concerned, lying, in the process, on a “solid foundation” for enhancing their political and security cooperation.

    The economic rationale of these initiative is hard to contest. There is no denying that China and its neighbouring countries, in immediate proximity or somewhat far afield, do otherwise put economic development as the foremost goal in their policy agenda. A positive perception of equitably shared prosperity in a win-win situation for all through the operationalisation of ‘One Belt, One Road” initiative will, as China perceives it, certainly help solve security problems to a great extent in Asia. A simultaneous revival of the Silk Road in different forms, along its way, would mean not only more trade through ‘networks’ but also better relationship that would automatically follow. This is because of, what economists understand, opportunity cost.

    This ‘opportunity cost’, however, will make sense only when ‘competitive’ industries of China and any other highly developing countries become closely knit with the geographical features, development needs and other special requirements — that are acknowledged by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other existing relevant international bodies — of the low-income countries under a rule-based mechanism or system. Building the ‘belt’ and the ‘road’, being distinctively different from the ancient Silk Road that was mainly focused on trade, will then foster conditions for an all-inclusive win-win situation. Furthermore, the need for flow of financial elements, information, technology and personnel (workforce) will also have to be accommodated, to a considerable extent, for the purpose of having pro-active and vibrant economic corridors connecting with the ‘revived’ Silk Road in tendem with its modern version — the Maritime Silk Road. This will be pivotal to realisation of common benefits, based on equality and mutual benefit and respect.

    In this context, China’s growing ‘economic clout’ does have some reasons, on real or perceived grounds, to raise concerns over its ‘goals’ and ‘objectives’, or to put it bluntly, ‘ambitions’ or ‘expansion’ of its ‘sphere of influence’, along with its markets. There lurks the fear about ‘flooding markets’ with Chinese goods, ‘drowning’ nascent industries’ in relatively weaker economies, an uneven playing field for gaining access to technology by way of sharing technical know-how, as different from putting emphasis on ‘laying tarmac and iron’, use of more non-national personnel (workers) than ‘own citizens’ in infrastructure and other related projects.

    In this context, ensuring a win-win situation for all the countries along the proposed corridors of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st century Maritime Silk Road under ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative, will largely hinge on pro-active efforts to encourage ‘businesses’ in all the countries involved, on an equitable basis, in addition to facilitating freer flows of labour, put fewer customs barriers in place to promote upholding rule of law on a predictable basis.

    China, as the tenor of discussions of the Bangladesh Media Delegation with the officials, exporters and researchers in Beijing and Kunming indicated, is aware of the ‘sensitivities’ of all concerned including the USA and its other major ‘partners’, to its ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative and their concerns, largely on perceived grounds, over it.

    Beijing maintains that its initiative is different from the Marshall Plan in challenges and motivation, indicating that it has no intention of seeking influence and dominance in Asia. The initiative is meant for providing opportunities to other countries to develop themselves in order to achieve a ‘win-win’ situation for all. The initiative is open to all countries, irrespective of the nature of their polity and the stages of their growth and also regardless of their regime-types, to be voluntary partners in it.

    China’s new ‘one belt, one road’ initiative is ‘far more ambitious than the Marshall Plan as it aims at the whole world’. That means that it will have a greater global impact. The total value of China’s initiative, according to some estimates, could reach US$21 trillion.

    China seems to be quite assertive now because of its rapid economic rise over the last three and a half decades. The participants from the Chinese side in a number of discussion meetings with the Bangladesh media team made it clear that China is quite firm on undertaking operative actions on its initiative within its geographical territory, leaving the option open to all countries concerned to join the proposed economic corridors, alongside the ‘One Belt, One Road’ grand project. It would like to see the New Silk Road and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road completed by 2050.

    The Western media, however, looks at China and its westward move for reaching out to its neighbours through multi-module connectivity and various cross-border networks through their own lenses. Reports on ‘worries’ and ‘concerns’ — real or perceived ones — over China’s economic rise that is pilloried as ‘clout’ or ‘hegemony’ find place, almost regularly, in most media in the West. China, as such media reports tend to suggest, will gain ‘disproportionately’ from the links. Is this because the most dominant power, notwithstanding its lingering woes — political gridlock or economic malaise, is desperate to maintain the status quo – a ‘unipolar’ world?

    From China’s perspective, that is exactly what it considers to be the ‘obvious’ case. Its new economic ‘might’ and changing shift in global economic power matrix, favouring Asia, are the dynamics of the present-day world that some may find too difficult to reconcile with.

    …………………………………………………….

    E-mail:moazzem.1992@gmail.com

    China looks westward, sensibly

    The falling cost of transport has been the driving force behind globalisation for much of modern economic history. This has created favourable conditions for what has now come to be known as “unbundling” of manufacturing. In the process, ‘supply chains’ have scattered across the word.

    In the era of global supply-chain that is facilitated by cost-effective multi-modal transportation links, the countries that can grab its pieces are quickly rewarded with lots of manufacturing employment. In this situation, industrialisation means little more than opening labour markets to global manufacturers.

    The ‘development miracle’ of China’s throbbing coastline since the 1980s when the Asian factories started migrating to China – that was fuelled largely by foreign investment on a quest for cheaper labour and greater efficiency – does illustrate it amply well. China has been a magnet for the world’s investment capital — a big reason for its fast economic growth.

    But “development” — the ‘Flying Geese’ model of manufacturing — that is easy-come may also be easy-go. An economy enjoying the benefits of such a model quickly has to upgrade its workers’ skill, in tandem with infrastructure. But even if these are done, wage-increases can soon lead manufacturers to up sticks for cheaper location.

    That is now happening in China. The cities, along its throbbing coastline, remain vulnerable to being priced out of the market at a varying pace. Its inland locations such as Chongqiang or lower-wage neighbouring countries like Vietnam and Cambodia to China’s southeast, are lately becoming goslings.

    The image of flying geese is it was before. The production apparatus has now become more like a spider’s web. In this situation, components of manufacturing process are flitting in all directions amid crossing and recrossing of goods across borders.

    In this context, it is not difficult to foresee that the buttons will come from China, the zips, from Japan, the yarn to be spun in Bangladesh and woven and dyed in Vietnam and stitched in Pakistan, in the near term, to produce the end-product — the shorts. But every pair of this garment will have to look as if made in one factory. This is how the whole process of manufacturing, through networking, is now getting transformed.

    Against this backup, China is now repositioning Yunnan, in particular, from a peripheral province to the centre of various cross-border economic networks, particularly on its southern flank, towards both east and west. This province of China, with Kunming as its capital, shares 4,000 km (2,500 miles) of border with Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam.

    Its geographical location gives it a natural advantage to be the hub of greater economic activities in both South East Asia and South Asia. It has otherwise a prosperous past, enjoying the benefits of the ancient Silk Road. The people in South-West China traded tea and other goods across thousands of miles through the. Tea Route to Europe, around 2,000 years ago. The distinctive marks of this ancient route are visible in Puér, a municipal district of Yunnan in China, today.

    Senior research fellows and concerned high officials in China hold the view that Beijing’s westward economic initiative will help deepen economic cooperation between and among countries, along the route of its reinvigorated New Silk Route via ‘economic corridors’ on a “solid foundation”, along with enhancement of political and security cooperation.

    All these aspects are quite pertinent to making meaningful efforts to remove any ‘trust deficit’, on some real or perceived grounds, among the countries involved. Otherwise, the ‘powers’ or ‘vested interests’ who give precedence to efforts to contain China, in view of its rising economic power, over accommodating it in its proper place on its own strength, will find pretexts or, grounds, for scuttling its ‘westward’ economic drive, in particular.

    In the evolving new international order that is now in state of flux, such powers will also try to foul up matters further, mentioning the ‘troubled’ situation in the South China Sea over the contested territorial claims while disfavouring openly an apparent peaceful economic rise on China’s southern and western land borders.

    The leaders of China understand well the implications of this ‘distrust’ factor. This is potentially a serious problem, in both wider-regional and international contexts. If such concerns, on perceived grounds, remain unmitigated, Beijing’s “one belt, one road’ initiative may face challenges.

    The tenor of discussions of the Bangladesh Media Team with China’s researchers, academicians and others in both Beijing and Kunming, would tend to suggest that Chins is aware of the challenges, keeping the sensitivities and concerns of those who find it difficult to cope with the dynamics of the new glottal economic realities.

    This is a sensible approach. The future will only tell how this works out in practice.

    In today’s world, China is still a developing power on many counts, though its economic rise remains strikingly strong on the global scale. This implies that China will face tremendous political challenges to its westward economic initiative even if its “intentions”, as the circles concerned in both Beijing and Kunming stated, are “benign”.

    While China considers that it has made all the right choices about its ‘one belt, one road’ initiative, some countries might fear becoming over-reliant on China’s trade and investment. Such countries might thus cooperate half-heartedly. Some other countries might also see this initiative of China as its ambition ‘toward global superdom” and thus make attempts to block it. Still others might not like China’s values and refuse to join China’s initiative, despite the latter’s ‘clear’ message to all concerned about the initiative that is intended to ensure equitable benefits for all and thus achieve a ‘win-win’ outcome for everyone.

    The road to eventual success of China’s initiative might be long and bumpy because of a variety of ‘geostrategic’ factors. But China seems firm and determined, being confident that all concerned countries would, in course of time, come to appreciate or realise its relevance to their own interests for economic ‘up-scaling’.

    In this context, the second meeting of the Joint Study Group (SSG) of the proposed Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC), to be held in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh on December 17-18, as a follow-up on the first one held in Kumming last year, merits attention.

    The BCIM-EC member-countries are expected to arrive at an agreement in Cox’s Bazar on synthesizing the JSG report on many pertinent issues and areas. The report is will cover the objectives of this economic corridor, its concept, scope and elements, principles and modalities of cooperation, encompassing the areas of connectivity, energy, investment and financing, trade in goods and services and trade facilitation, social and human development and poverty alleviation, sustainable development and people-to-people contact.

    Institutional arrangements – framework of co-operation in the light of the report of the JSG – will be considered at the meeting in Cox’s Bazar in order to arrive at an agreement on its synthesisation.

    After this is done, the synthesis of different chapters of the study report will be completed, on the basis of division of work, for reviews by respective governments.

    Upon completion of the whole process of such works, the third meeting of the JSG is to take place, mostly likely in Kolkata in Paschimbanga state of India where the final report will be adopted. The signing of the inter-government cooperation framework will then follow at the same meeting to formally launch the BCIM-EC, formally.

    Chinese President Xi Jiang had discussions with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his recent visit to New Delhi, on developments concerning the BCIM-EC, besides other matters or issues of consequence for forging stronger bilateral partnership between Asia’s two ‘giants’.

    New Delhi was earlier reported to have reiterated its commitment to this new regional economic grouping – BCIM-EC – under its new political leadership.

    Myanmar does also otherwise remain proactive on it, notwithstanding the flurry of activities by the West and some other powers including the old and new emerging ones there, after its opening-up in recent times. The country’s huge untapped natural resources are latest the magnet of attraction for all major economic powers. Construction of a dam in Myanmar with assistance by China, however, was suspended.

    Meanwhile, the works for an optical cable between Yunnan and Myanmar were completed last month by China Unicom, a state-owned telecoms company. This would otherwise indicate that bilateral relations between China and Myanmar have not gone all that haywire. Amid the banana grow and tea bushes in Yunnan, an expressway runs up to Ruilli, on the border with Myanmar. It is linked up with a road on the Myanmar side. The part of Kyaukphu in Myanmar and Kunming in Yunnan province of China is connected cross-border by parallel oil and gas pipelines.

    Yunnan has already seen improvements in cross-border connections with Laos and Vietnam that have been built with gusto on the Chinese side. Kunming and Henkou, on the border with Vietnam, will be connected by a railway line that is expected to be completed next year. A road between Kunming to the Laotian border was completed in 2008, by burrowing long tunnels through hills. Far afield, a $23 billion deal for two high-speed rail links via Myanmar was approved by Thailand last July and the links are to be built by 2021.

    China has, thus, been forging stronger ties with Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam and Thailand and looking for expanding links with other member-countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) — an otherwise vibrant economic grouping.

    Beijing envisages to proceed with its ‘one belt, one road’ initiative, via the New Silk Road and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, focusing on a modern network of high-speed rail, motorways, pipelines, waterways, ports, power supplies, fibre optic cables etc. This does, in one notable way, fits otherwise well with evolving pattern about unbundling of manufacturing process, as was mentioned at the outset of this piece of commentary, in today’s globalised economy.

  11. মাসুদ করিম - ২৯ ডিসেম্বর ২০১৪ (১০:০৫ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    • মাসুদ করিম - ৩০ ডিসেম্বর ২০১৪ (১০:০৯ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

      China unveils wish list on investment
      President Xi Jinping may inaugurate Karnaphuli tunnel

      China conveyed its willingness to invest in Bangladesh’s infrastructure development, especially in power and energy and construction of a tunnel across the Karnaphuli River in Chittagong that will facilitate continental connectivity.

      “A high official from China, probably the president of China, is likely to inaugurate the construction of the multimodal tunnel early next year, when both sides will celebrate 40 years of diplomatic relations,” Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali told a press conference at his office Monday.

      The tunnel on trans-border transport route may cost $1.2 billion, said Mr Ali, who led the host side at official talks between the two Asian countries in Dhaka Sunday, where socio-political situation also came up for discussion.

      When his attention was drawn regarding the political unrest, the foreign minister said that his Chinese counterpart made no mention of the country’s political situation. He hastened to add: China as usual wanted peaceful solution to any political problem.

      “It does not want any violence. If there is any problem, it suggested solving the crisis through discussions rather than resorting to violence and unrest,” said the foreign minister. China also wanted to see a peaceful situation congenial to investment as well as development.

      Asked whether the visiting Chinese foreign minister mentioned any particular problem, hinting at Monday’s hartal, the minister replied in the negative.

      The Ministry of Foreign Affairs organised the press conference to project the outcome of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s three-day visit to Bangladesh.

      Wang Yi arrived in Dhaka Saturday on his maiden visit to Bangladesh, following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Beijing trip in June and ahead of celebration of 40 years of diplomatic ties next year.

      Dhaka Sunday invited the president of China to visit Bangladesh during the celebration and the Chinese side said they would convey the invitation to the president, sources said.

      The Karnaphuli tunnel, which will connect the southern part of Chittagong with Chittagong city as well as facilitate communications with the tourist city of Cox’s Bazar, will also help facilitate the proposed rail and road connectivity along Chittagong-Cox’s Bazar-Myanmar-Kunming route.

      Terming the Chinese foreign minister’s visit a successful one, the foreign minister said it would help consolidate the bilateral ties and expand cooperation in economy and trade, connectivity and people-to-people exchanges.

      To reduce a huge trade imbalance between the two countries, the Chinese foreign minister proposed the signing of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Bangladesh to boost trade ties between the two countries, which, he said, would also help minimize the huge trade gap.

      “If necessary, they can even provide special protection to increase Bangladesh export to China in order to reduce the trade imbalance,” said the foreign minister.

      At present the two-way trade between the two countries accounts for $8.293 billion, with the balance heavily tilted towards Beijing.

      Officially, China is the largest import destination for Bangladesh. The country imports machinery, garment fabrics, cotton, chemicals and electrical equipment.

      Bangladesh imported US$ 7.550 billion worth of goods from China in the last fiscal and exported goods worth US$ 746 million during the same time.

      The foreign minister, who had a threadbare discussion with the Chinese foreign minister, said the Chinese side had expressed their satisfaction over the overall progress on the special economic zone and hoped that a solid output would emerge next year when both sides would celebrate the 40 years of diplomatic ties.

      Besides FTA, according to the Foreign Minister, trade, agricultural, industrial cooperation, energy cooperation and infrastructure figured prominently at the talks. And the Chinese side expressed their interest in investing in coal-based power plant in Bangladesh.

      “They also put emphasis on extending their cooperation in exploring oil and gas,” said the minister.

      China also expressed its willingness to extend all necessary help in setting up a rice-research institute in Bangladesh to develop high-yielding varieties of rice to make the country self-sufficient in food production and asked the government to take necessary measures in this regard.

      China, the minister said, also is interested to import jute and jute goods from Bangladesh and ready to provide high-yielding-variety paddy seeds along with technological support to Bangladesh in the agriculture sector. He said China would extend all cooperation to Bangladesh in its stride to become a middle-income country by 2021 and a developed one by 2041.

      The visiting team, he said, appreciated Dhaka’s leadership role in discussions on Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) economic corridor, which would play complementary role in China’s dream projects — economic belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.

      About regional cooperation, he said the problems of the countries like Bangladesh, China and India were similar. “Bangladesh could act as a bridge between South and Southeast Asian regions in strengthening cooperation among the countries of the region,” the minister quoted the Chinese minister as saying.

      Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi left Dhaka on Monday afternoon on conclusion of his three-day official visit. Foreign Secretary Md Shahidul Haque and senior foreign ministry officials saw him off at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport.

  12. মাসুদ করিম - ৩ জানুয়ারি ২০১৫ (৩:৩৪ অপরাহ্ণ)

  13. মাসুদ করিম - ৩১ অক্টোবর ২০১৫ (১:০৯ অপরাহ্ণ)

  14. মাসুদ করিম - ১৫ অক্টোবর ২০১৬ (১১:১৩ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    চীনের ‘ওয়ান বেল্ট ওয়ান রোডে’ বাংলাদেশ

    চীনের ‘ওয়ান বেল্ট, ওয়ান রোড’ উদ‌্যোগে আনুষ্ঠানিকভাবে যোগ দিল বাংলাদেশ, যা ছিল প্রেসিডেন্ট শি জিনপিংয়ের ঢাকা সফরের মনোযোগের কেন্দ্র।

    শুক্রবার প্রেসিডেন্ট শি ও প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনার বৈঠকের পর স্বাক্ষরিত চুক্তি ও সমঝোতা স্মারকগুলোর মধ‌্যে চীনের এই উদ‌্যোগ নিয়ে একটি সমঝোতা স্মারক সই হওয়ার কথা বলা হয়েছে ওই বৈঠকের পর আসা যুক্ত বিবৃতিতে।

    চীন-বাংলাদেশের ‘সর্বাত্মক অংশীদারিত্ব ও সহযোগিতা’র সম্পর্ককে ‘কৌশলগত অংশীদারিত্ব ও সহযোগিতার’ জায়গায় নিয়ে যেতেও সম্মত হয়েছেন তারা। আঞ্চলিক ও আন্তর্জাতিক পর্যায়েও সহযোগিতার মতৈক‌্য হয়েছে।

    বিবৃতিতে বলা হয়েছে, চীনের ‘ওয়ান বেল্ট, ওয়ান রোড’ উদ‌্যোগকে ইতিবাচকভাবে দেখছে বাংলাদেশ। ২০২১ সালের মধ‌্যে মধ‌্যম আয়ের দেশ এবং ২০৪১ সাল নাগাদ উন্নত দেশের কাতারে পৌঁছানোর যে লক্ষ‌্য বাংলাদেশের রয়েছে তা অর্জনে এটা ‘গুরুত্বপূর্ণ সুযোগ’ নিয়ে আসবে বলে আশা করা হচ্ছে।
    ২০১৩ সালে চীনের ওয়ান বেল্ট ওয়ান রোড উদ‌্যোগ তুলে ধরেন প্রেসিডেন্ট শি। এরপর থেকে এই উদ‌্যোগকে ঘিরেই চলছে দেশটির অর্থনৈতিক কূটনীতি।

    এই উদ‌্যোগ শুরুর পর থেকে বিদেশে অবকাঠামো প্রকল্পে বিনিয়োগে আগ্রহ প্রকাশ করে আসছে চীন।

    সিল্ক রোড ইকোনোমিক বেল্ট এবং একুশ শতকের মেরিটাইম সিল্ক রোডকে সংযুক্ত করে নেওয়া এই উদ‌্যোগের আওতায় এশিয়া, ইউরোপ ও আফ্রিকার দেশগুলোকে একটি বাণিজ‌্য ও অবকাঠামো নেটওয়ার্কে সম্পৃক্ত করতে চাইছে চীন, যার মধ‌্য দিয়ে কার্যত প্রাচীন সিল্ক রোড রুটকে পুনরায় ফিরে পাওয়ার প্রত‌্যাশা।

    উদ‌্যোগের মূলে অন‌্যান‌্য দেশের উন্নয়ন ত্বরাণ্বিত এবং চীনের সঙ্গে বাণিজ‌্যের লক্ষ‌্য রয়েছে।
    এছাড়া দক্ষিণ এশিয়ার সঙ্গে দক্ষিণপূর্ব এশিয়ার যোগাযোগ তৈরিতে বাংলাদেশ-চীন-ভারত-মিয়ানমার বা বিসিআইএম অর্থনৈতিক করিডোর নিয়েও কাজ করছে বেইজিং।

    এই উদ‌্যোগের পাশাপাশি শিল্পায়নের সক্ষমতা বৃদ্ধি, বিদ‌্যুৎ ও জ্বালানি, তথ‌্য ও যোগাযোগ প্রযুক্তি, বিনিয়োগ, সমুদ্র খাত সহযোগিতা (মেরিটাইম কোঅপারেশন), দুর্যোগ ব‌্যবস্থাপনায় সহযোগিতা এবং সংস্কৃতি ও দুই দেশের জনগণের মধ‌্যে যোগাযোগ বৃদ্ধি নিয়ে চীন ও বাংলাদেশের মধ‌্যে চুক্তি ও সমঝোতা হয়েছে।

    চীন-বাংলাদেশের মধ‌্যে সামরিক সহযোগিতা নিয়ে মতৈক‌্য হয়েছে। বিভিন্ন পর্যায়ে সফর বিনিময়ের পাশাপাশি সামরিক বাহিনীর সদস‌্যদের প্রশিক্ষণ, সরঞ্জাম, প্রযুক্তি এবং জাতিসংঘ শান্তিরক্ষা মিশন নিয়ে সহযোগিতা বৃদ্ধির কথা বলা হয়েছে।

    সব ধরনের সন্ত্রাসবাদের নিন্দা জানিয়েছে উভয় দেশ। সন্ত্রাস দমনে বাংলাদেশের পদক্ষেপ এবং জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা ও স্থিতিশীলতা রক্ষায় সরকারের উদ‌্যোগে সমর্থন জানিয়েছে চীন। এক্ষেত্রে তথ‌্য বিনিময়, সক্ষমতা বৃদ্ধি এবং বাংলাদেশিদের প্রশিক্ষণে সহযোগিতায় প্রস্তুত বলে জানিয়েছে চীন।
    “সন্ত্রাস দমন নিয়ে সংলাপ অনুষ্ঠানের সম্ভাব‌্যতা খতিয়ে দেখতে উভয় পক্ষ সম্মত হয়েছে,” বলা হয়েছে যুক্ত বিবৃতিতে।

    দুই দেশের জনগণের কল‌্যাণে উন্নয়ন ও সমৃদ্ধির অভিন্ন লক্ষ‌্য অর্জনে একসঙ্গে কাজ করতে রাজি হয়েছে চীন ও বাংলাদেশ। এই অঞ্চলের উন্নয়ন ত্বরাণ্বিত করতেও কাজ করবে দুই দেশ।

    “অভিন্ন আকাঙ্ক্ষা এবং দুই দেশের মধ‌্যকার সহযোগিতার উজ্জ্বল ভবিষ‌্যতের ওপর ভিত্তি করে উভয় পক্ষ দ্বিপাক্ষিক সম্পর্ককে কৌশলগত অংশীদারিত্ব ও সহযোগিতায় উন্নীতে সম্মত হয়েছে,” বলা হয়েছে দুই নেতার যুক্ত বিবৃতিতে।

    দ্বিপক্ষীয় সম্পর্কের ক্ষেত্রে শান্তিপূর্ণ সহাবস্থান, ভালো প্রতিবেশীসুলভ মানসিকতা, পারস্পরিক বিশ্বাস, আস্থা ও একে অন্যের অভ্যন্তরীণ বিষয়ে হস্তক্ষেপ না করা-এই পাঁচ মূলনীতির প্রতি অবিচল থাকার কথা পুনর্ব‌্যক্ত করেছে উভয়পক্ষ।
    এক চীন নীতি এবং দেশটির মৌলিক জাতীয় স্বার্থ, এর সার্বভৌমত্ব ও ভৌগলিক অখণ্ডতা রক্ষায় চীনের পদক্ষেপের প্রতি ঢাকার সমর্থনের প্রশংসা করেছে বেইজিং।

    ‘স্বাধীনতা ও সার্বভৌমত্ব বজায় রাখা এবং জাতীয় স্থিতিশীলতা ও উন্নয়ন প্রচেষ্টায়’ সমর্থন দেওয়ার জন্য চীনকে ধন্যবাদ জানিয়েছে বাংলাদেশ।

    দুইপক্ষই উচ্চ পর্যায়ে মত বিনিময় বাড়ানো এবং বহুপক্ষীয় ফোরামের সাইডলাইনে দুই দেশের নেতাদের মধ্যে নিয়মিত যোগাযোগ রক্ষার বিষয়ে একমত হয়েছে।

    এছাড়া ১৩২০ মেগাওয়াটের পায়রা তাপভিত্তিক বিদ্যুৎকেন্দ্র, কর্ণফুলী নদীর তলদেশ দিয়ে একাধিক লেনের টানেল নির্মাণ, দাসেরকান্দি স্যুয়ারেজ ট্রিটমেন্ট প্ল্যান্ট, ছয়টি নৌযান কেনা, পদ্মা সেতু এবং চার স্তরের জাতীয় ডেটা সেন্টার স্থাপনের মতো বেশ কিছু প্রকল্পে অগ্রগতি হওয়ায় সন্তোষ প্রকাশ করেন তারা।

    বাংলাদেশের পক্ষ থেকে সমতা ও উভয় পক্ষের স্বার্থরক্ষার ভিত্তিতে বিদ্যুৎ, আইসিটি, নদী ব্যবস্থাপনা এবং অবকাঠামোসহ বিভিন্ন ক্ষেত্রের ২২টি প্রকল্পে সহযোগিতার প্রস্তাবের বিষয়ে বিবেচনা ও চীনা উদ্যোক্তাদের উৎসাহিত করতে রাজি হয়েছে চীন।

    উৎপাদন সক্ষমতা বৃদ্ধিতে সহযোগিতা বাড়াতে বাংলাদেশ ও চীনের মধ্যে ফ্রেমওয়ার্ক চুক্তি হওয়ায় দুইপক্ষই সন্তোষ প্রকাশ করেছে।

    তথ্যপ্রযুক্তি খাতে বিনিয়োগ ও এর উন্নয়নে একযোগে কাজ করতেও সম্মত হয়েছে দুই পক্ষ। ড্রেজিং ও ভূমি পুনরুদ্ধারসহ নদী ব্যবস্থাপনার বিষয়ে সহযোগিতা চালিয়ে যাওয়ার বিষয়েও একমত হন তারা।

    এছাড়া চীন-বাংলাদেশ মুক্ত বাণিজ্য অঞ্চল প্রতিষ্ঠার সম্ভাব্যতা যাচাইয়ের কাজ শুরু করবে উভয়পক্ষ।

    বাংলাদেশে অর্থনৈতিক জোন ও শিল্পাঞ্চল প্রতিষ্ঠায় বিনিয়োগে দক্ষ চীনা উদ্যোক্তাদের উৎসাহ ও সহযোগিতা দেবে চীন।
    চীনা উদ্যোক্তারা যাতে বাংলাদেশে ব‌্যবসা চালিয়ে যেতে পারে সেজন‌্য প্রয়োজনীয় সহযোগিতা অব‌্যাহত রাখবে ঢাকা।

    সমুদ্র সম্পর্কিত বিষয়ে দুই দেশের মধ্যে সহযোগিতার ব্যাপক ক্ষেত্র রয়েছে বলে দুই পক্ষই মনে করে; এ লক্ষ্যে সমুদ্র সম্পর্কিত বিষয়ে সহযোগিতার কৌশল নির্ধারণে সংলাপের বিষয়ে ঐকমত্যে পৌঁছেছে দুই দেশ।

    জনপ্রশাসন, বিজ্ঞান ও প্রযুক্তি, কৃষি, স্বাস্থ্য সেবা এবং শিল্পকলার বিভিন্ন বিষয়সহ নানা ক্ষেত্রের বাংলাদেশি পেশাজীবীদের প্রশিক্ষণ কার্যক্রম চালিয়ে যাওয়া এবং পেশাজীবীরা যাতে বাংলাদেশেও এ ধরনের প্রশিক্ষণ নিতে পারেন সে বিষয়ে সহযোগিতা করতে রাজি হয়েছে চীন।

    বাংলাদেশের জন‌্য চীনা ভাষী ৫০০ শিক্ষককে প্রশিক্ষণের পাশাপাশি ১০০ বাংলাদেশি সংস্কৃতি কর্মীকে প্রশিক্ষণ দেবে বেইজিং। এছাড়া ২০১৬ থেকে ২০২০ সালের মধ্যে ৬০০ বাংলাদেশি ছাত্রকে তাদের দেশ সফরের আমন্ত্রণ জানাবে।

    ২০১৭ সালকে বাংলাদেশ ও চীনের মধ্যে ‘বন্ধুত্ব ও আদান-প্রদানের’ বছর হিসেবে ঘোষণা করা হয়েছে।

  15. মাসুদ করিম - ২৮ ডিসেম্বর ২০১৬ (১০:৩০ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    China may play Bangladesh against India over Brahmaputra issue

    China may try to play Bangladesh against India during river water negotiations on Brahmaputra , which flows from the Tibetan region to northeast India on its way to Bangladesh, reports Times of India.

    What is more, Beijing may try to use the Brahmaputra issue to push forward its One Belt, One Road or the Silk Road programme, which India has not embraced enthusiastically.

    “It is understandable that India may want to reach a deal with China over the construction of dams and the sharing of hydrological data, but Bangladesh should also enjoy similar rights to protect its own interests against India,” the Global Times, an organ of the Communist Party of China, said in a commentary.

    Global Times commentaries are often used by the Communist Party as a platform to spread seeds of ideas and doubts in international diplomacy, particularly in the Asian region, analysts say.

    China has successfully exploited apprehensions within Nepal’s political elite to create business opportunities for itself in recent months.

    This has been facilitated by inadequate alertness on the part of the Indian government, observers have said. It is now trying to encourage Dhaka to take up cudgels against India over sharing of waters of Brahmaputra+ . The river, called Yarlung Zangbo in China, originates from Tibet and flows down to northeastern India before entering Bangladesh.

    “Just as China’s dams on the Yarlung Zangbo arouse vigilance in India, India’s efforts to exploit the river – which are no less ambitious than China’s – have also sparked concerns downstream in Bangladesh,” the paper said.

    The paper also advised the government to take advantage of negotiations over Brahmaputra to press for the Silk Road programme. China’s main success in this program is the ongoing China Pakistan Economic Corridor.

  16. মাসুদ করিম - ১৬ মে ২০১৭ (৭:৩৪ অপরাহ্ণ)

    Bangladesh signs two OBOR deals with China
    Beijing meet vows not to push political agenda
    Jubair Hasan, From Beijing

    Bangladesh signed two agreements with China under the OBOR initiative in the global forum that concluded Monday in Beijing with a massage of not pushing any political agenda among the participating countries.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping made the announcement at a jam-packed press briefing over outcomes of the two-day meet on his flagship ‘One Belt, One Road (OBOR)’ vision on international cooperation at Yanqi Lake International Convention Center in the Chinese capital.

    Under the couple of deals, China will enhance industrial investment, trade connectivity and finance power-grid upgrading, thermal power, coalmine modernisation, tyre-factory projects in Bangladesh, one of China’s key OBOR locations entering the Indian Ocean.

    Details of the treaties were not available till the filing of the report.

    Briefing the reporters, the Chinese president said his government signed the economic and trade cooperation agreements with the governments of 30 countries, including Bangladesh, Pakistan, Vietnam, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Afghanistan, where they will increase industrial investments and trade connectivity.

    He said the Export-Import (EXIM) Bank of China also signed loan agreements on power-grid upgrading, thermal power, coalmine modernisation, and tyre projects with relevant companies of four countries, including Bangladesh.

    For financing those projects along the OBOR regions, China Development Bank and Export-Import Bank of China are going to set up special lending schemes worth US$36.2 billion and US$18.8 billion respectively.

    Terming the initiative a new stage of equal benefits in the globalised world, Mr. Xi mentioned a total of 270 agreements, MoUs (memorandum of understandings), ‘cooperation plans and documents’ with the participating countries and global financial institutions like UNDP, WHO, IMO, WEF on five key areas – policy, infrastructure, trade, financial and people connectivity.

    He said they reached a consensus on OBOR roadmap during the forum and identified major challenges where the participating countries will work together pulling their full efforts and resources to gain a prosperous, poverty-free world.

    “The implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative is now in full swing,” said Mr. Xi, who came up with the OBOR concept in 2013.

    Mentioning the just-concluded forum as a successful one, he said the next OBOR forum will be held in China in 2019 and the next step is to seek deeper and broader cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative framework, and that China hopes the initiative will boost economic growth for participating countries and intensify people-to-people bonds.

    President Xi Jinping called for efforts to deepen cooperation between countries and international organizations to revive the global economy, as the world suffers sluggish growth amid increasing protectionism.

    He hoped that the forum could be a good opportunity to discuss ways of increasing world economic growth and boosting trade and investment.

    “To resolve problems such as trade and investment sluggishness, conflicts and terrorism, individual countries need to cooperate with each other as well as international organizations. It is a positive massage in the forum that we’ll not push political agenda in the initiative,” he said.

    The communist leader suggested countries should integrate their development strategies to form a common action plan that is beneficial to all.

    In the forum, China promised to make additional financial contribution worth US$124 billion as part of the initiative to develop infrastructure, business, socio-cultural ties among countries participate in the initiative.

    Official data show that China has so far invested over US$50 billion under the OBOR initiative and planned to invest around US$ 500 billion in the next five years.

    It will also build 56 economic zones along the OBOR countries with the investment of US$18.5 billion, which will create 180,000 jobs.

  17. মাসুদ করিম - ১৩ জুলাই ২০১৭ (৭:১৪ অপরাহ্ণ)

    China’s Silk Road will strengthen ‘lifeblood’ of Singapore, deputy premier says

    Teo Chee Hean tells corporate leaders and officials at the FutureChina Global Forum that the Lion City will not support any attempt to impede free navigation in Asian waterways

    Freedom of navigation through key choke points in Asian waterways like the Malacca and Singapore straits is crucial to the success of China’s new Silk Road trade plan, the Lion City’s Deputy Premier Teo Chee Hean said Thursday.

    One observer said Teo’s comments underscored the city state’s cautious but upbeat approach towards the multibillion dollar initiative aimed at boosting trade links between China and the rest of the world through new ports, railways and roads.

    “Passage through these straits is covered under the regime of transit of passage, specifically provided for in international law. Transit passage cannot be suspended or impeded,” Teo told over 500 corporate leaders, academics and officials from the two countries at the FutureChina Global Forum.

    Teo said the trade-reliant Lion City – home to one of the world’s busiest sea ports – supported the transit of passage rules as “trade is our lifeblood”.

    He added: “At the same time, adherence to this principle is also critical for the success of the modern Maritime Silk Route, as it ensures the smooth and unhindered flow of trade and traffic through the straits of Malacca and Singapore”.

    The deputy premier said Singapore would “not support any attempt to restrict transit passage to ships or aircraft from any country”. He cited how the city state had objected when Australia sought to impose restrictions on vessels transiting through the Torres Straits between itself and Papua New Guinea in 2006.

    “Working together to keep the key sea lanes open and safe for shipping from all countries and for all countries, is a key prerequisite for the modern Maritime Silk Road,” Teo said.

    His speech did not mention the South China Sea territorial dispute. But the US and its allies including Japan have long complained that Beijing’s controversial sovereignty claim over much of the waterway could impede freedom of navigation.

    Chinese officials have in turned dismissed these concerns as a ruse by Washington to interfere in the territorial dispute involving itself and four Southeast Asian countries.

    Taiwan, viewed by Beijing as a renegade province, shares the same claim as the central government.

    China says its staking of sovereignty over the disputed waters in no way impedes freedom of navigation.

    Chong Ja Ian, a Chinese foreign policy expert, said Teo’s comments on the issue were expected. “I see [the comments] as a reiteration of Singapore’s longstanding interest in the Belt and Road Initiative on one hand, and a reminder that Singapore has some leverage on the other,” Chong said.

    “Teo Chee Hean is highlighting the potential benefits and opportunities as he would and perhaps should. But risks remain. He did not discuss those, perhaps it is not the venue for that,” said Chong, a political scientist at the National University of Singapore.

    Teo, who opened the two-day conference, lauded the Belt and Road Initiative as a “grand vision that represents China’s efforts to promote regional integration and engage more fully with the global economy”.

    Teo said President Xi Jinping and Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong discussed ways for the two countries to further cooperate on the initiative when they met at the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg last week.

    Among the joint efforts are a development project in Chongqing and plans to deepen links between Singapore-based multinational financial institutions and China. “These financial institutions can play an active role in financing increasing trade and investments between China and [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and along the Belt and Road,” Teo said.

    The deputy prime minister’s comments, meanwhile, further put on display warming ties between the Lion City and China, after nearly a year of strained relations over a range of issues, including the temporary detention of Singaporean armoured vehicles in Hong Kong and the city state’s refusal to side with Beijing in the South China Sea dispute.

    On June 27, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang accepted an invitation to visit Singapore by the city state’s second deputy prime minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam. No date has been set for the visit. Hong Kong’s freshly minted Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor will visit the Lion City next month.

  18. মাসুদ করিম - ২৬ অক্টোবর ২০১৭ (৯:৩৮ পূর্বাহ্ণ)

    Cargo train services connect China with 34 European cities

    A working meeting on deepened international cooperation of China-Europe freight trains was recently held in Zhengzhou, central China’s Henan Province. The event came as data showed that the trains have connected China with 34 cities in 12 European countries after six years of operation.

    During the three-day meeting starting on Tuesday, more than 70 railway representatives from China, Belarus, Germany, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Poland and Russia discussed their collaboration roadmap as well as working plans for the joint working group they set up. It was also their first meeting as members of the group.

    The conference marked an intensified cooperation on China-Europe cargo train services.

    China-Europe freight train, or China Railway Express to Europe, is a cargo train service between China and Europe, as well as Belt and Road countries that runs on fixed routes and schedules.

    More than 5,000 cargo train trips have been made between China and Europe since the start of the direct rail freight services six years ago, half of which were made in 2017, showed statistics from China Railway Corporation (CRC).

    A total of 57 routes have been opened, linking 34 Chinese cities with 34 European cities in 12 countries. In 2016, the number of China-Europe freight trains surpassed 1,700, including 1,130 outbound trains and 572 inbound trains, an increase of 109 percent year on year.

    The 13,052-kilometer rail from eastern China’s city of Yiwu to Madrid via Alataw Pass in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has been in operation for more than 1,000 days since it set off for the first time on November 18, 2014.

    Currently, nine routes from Yiwu to Europe have been opened, including the ones to Madrid, London and Prague. With 5 logistics centers and eight overseas warehouses, these routes radiate 34 countries.

    The freight train service transports goods from eight Chinese provinces and municipalities including Zhejiang, Guangdong, Anhui, Jiangsu and Shanghai, covering nearly 2,000 items of China-made products such as small commodities, clothes, bags and tools.

    Overseas projects, including the China-Belarus Industrial Park, and a wholesale market for small commodities set up by China in Warsaw, also benefited from the service.

    Railway authorities of China, Belarus, Germany, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Poland and Russia, inked an agreement to deepen cooperation on China-Europe freight rail services this April, said CRC, adding that this meeting held at its call aims to ensure a better implementation of the agreement.

    During the three-day meeting, representatives also discussed next year’s plans, specific operation of the broad-gauge sections, time and place for the team’s next meeting and procedures for new member enrollment.

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