Opinion, Politics

Why the Colour Revolution in Bangladesh Lacks Philosophical Legitimacy: A Kantian and Weberian Critique

Robi Das 6 August 2025

We must admit that what happened in July – August 2024 is not a “revolution”. The present government is not a legitimate government and they do have any authority to issue a charter, whatsoever.

6 August 2025

The so-called July 2024 “Colour Revolution” in Bangladesh, which led to the collapse of Sheikh Hasina’s long-standing government and the formation of an interim government, has been widely celebrated as a democratic breakthrough. Yet, from the perspectives of Immanuel Kant, Max Weber, and several contemporary theorists, this revolution raises serious questions about its philosophical and sociological legitimacy. This came to my attention while talking with another author Jahanara Nuri, who has already published an article on this platform after Yunus announced a “July Charter” at the anniversary of the so-called “revolution”. We must admit that what happened in July – August 2024 is not a “revolution”. However, the National Citizens Party (NCP), Bangladesh Jamat-e-Islami (BJI) and its students’ wing Islami Chatra Shibir (ICS), and other Islamist right wing political parties are claiming it as “revolution”, while Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and left-wing political parties are claiming it as “mass uprising” or “resurgence”. The Bangladesh Awami League and its allies are claiming

it as a “coup”, since it is a part of a “meticulous design” as Yunus and his team claimed it. After having this conversation with Jahanara Nuri, I understood that there is a necessity to explain why philosophically this is not a “revolution”. Hence, in this article I have discussed Kant and Weber’s philosophies to explain why this is not a revolution and why the government lacks the legitimacy to declare this July Charter. Kant: Revolution Is Morally Impermissible Immanuel Kant’s political philosophy is grounded in legalism and moral duty. In his Doctrine of Right, part of the Metaphysics of Morals, Kant categorically states: “There is… no right to sedition, still less to rebellion, and least of all is there a right against the head of a state… to attack his person or even his life on the pretext that he has abused his authority.” Kant’s rejection of revolution stems from his belief that law is the condition…

Analysis, Bangladesh, Current Affairs, USA

Trading Sovereignty: The Hidden Price of the U.S.-Bangladesh Tariff Agreement

Robi Das 19 July 2025

The proposed U.S.-Bangladesh Reciprocal Tariff Agreement is a stark threat to Bangladesh’s sovereignty and economic independence. While promising reduced tariffs on garments, it demands sweeping concessions that serve U.S. interests alone. The draft imposes structural subordination, forcing Bangladesh to mirror American embargoes, compromise its trade alliances, and surrender regulatory control. It lacks genuine reciprocity and risks destabilising domestic industries and foreign policy. This agreement must not proceed without full public disclosure, parliamentary scrutiny, and a renegotiation that defends national interest and economic justice. Signing it as-is would be a grave betrayal of Bangladesh’s sovereignty and a dangerous precedent for future diplomacy.

19 July 2025

Background The U.S. and Bangladesh have entered intense negotiations to finalise a Reciprocal Tariff Agreement aimed at reducing tariffs on Bangladeshi exports to the U.S., particularly in the ready-made garments (RMG) sector, which is Bangladesh's largest export category to the U.S. The Bangladesh government sought to conceal the details of the terms and conditions imposed by the U.S. government. Thanks to Officer Mukitul Hasan of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), we obtained the details of the 21-page draft agreement. Bangladesh government suspended Mukit and filed a sedition case against him. For a clause-wise review of the agreement please read the article of Iconus Clustus on Muktangon. The contents of the draft agreement do not give much space to Bangladesh. The plain and simple message of U.S. government is “either it’s my way, or highway”. Bangladesh is clearly in a dilemma. If it agrees to the terms and conditions, it will lose China, which is one of the biggest sources

of raw material. Without the raw material from China, a lot of businesses will not be able to offer their products in cheaper price. Bangladesh, if agrees to this agreement, will lose China as a development and commercial partner. China will not take it easily. The fallout with China will also compromise the foreign policy of Bangladesh, I.e., friendship with everyone, hostility with none. In this article, we will examine the structure of the proposed agreement, discuss its key highlights and primary concerns, which will illustrate why the Bangladesh government sought to conceal the agreement's details. The article will also show you the ‘colonial’ mentality of the U.S. government will further cripple the economy of Bangladesh. Structure of the Agreement The agreement is divided into six major sections, each containing over a hundred conditions: Tax-related conditions Non-tariff barrier conditions Digital trade and technology conditions Rules of Origin conditions Economic and national security conditions Commercial conditions Key U.S. Proposals and…

Analysis, Bangladesh

Whistleblowing as a Civic Duty: Upholding Mukit’s Stand for Integrity

Robi Das 18 July 2025

In Bangladesh today, speaking truth to power can feel like standing alone in a storm. Mukit’s stand reminds us that every citizen carries the power—and responsibility—to safeguard the common good. It’s on us, as a society and as a government, to ensure that when conscience strikes, it finds not chains, but open doors and a grateful nation.

18 July 2025

In Bangladesh today, speaking truth to power can feel like standing alone in a storm. Mukit chose that storm. When he exposed misuse of public resources within a government institution, he did more than bare corruption—he performed an act of public service. What Did Mukit Do: Mukitul Hasan, Second Secretary at the Customs Policy Wing of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), has been suspended for allegedly leaking a classified state document. The leaked material pertained to sensitive tariff negotiations between Bangladesh and the United States, which were protected under a non-disclosure agreement (NDA). The breach was considered a serious violation of official discipline, especially given Hasan’s direct involvement in the negotiation process. A Bengali-language media outlet had published a report based on the leaked document, which was later withdrawn. In response, the NBR filed a case and issued the suspension order, signed by Chairman Abdur Rahman Khan. Separately, M Zillur Rahman, Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Cell,

was also suspended for publicly tearing his transfer order, alongside 14 other officials facing similar disciplinary action. Mukit’s Courage and Its Costs Mukit’s decision to disclose wrongdoing wasn’t born of personal vendetta. He witnessed funds diverted from essential healthcare projects and watched promises to the poorest slip away. By going public, he risked career derailment, social ostracism, and even legal harassment under outdated secrecy laws. Yet Mukit’s bravery shines as a beacon: it reminds us that transparency isn’t optional. It’s the lifeblood of democracy and trust. The Legal Shield in Bangladesh The Public Interest Information Disclosure (Provide Protection) Act of 2011 was designed precisely for voices like Mukit’s: Legal Immunity: He cannot face criminal, civil, or departmental action for revealing truthful, public-interest information. Confidentiality: His identity is protected unless he opts into disclosure. Protection from Retaliation: Demotion, forced retirement, harassment—all barred if he’s a government employee. Evidence Shielding: Disclosures can’t be used against him in proceedings unless found maliciously false. …

Analysis, Minority Rights, Opinion

Persecution against Dissenters and Minorities in Bangladesh

Robi Das 31 March 2025

Yunus regime is persecuting dissenters and minorities in Bangladesh. Prominent human rights activists and journalists are either in prison in baseless cases or silent due to baseless cases filed against them. We need to fight for those whose rights are violated in Bangladesh.

31 March 2025

The rate of persecution against dissenters and minorities has increased in Bangladesh since August 5 2024. Between 5 and 8 August, it was the Islamic terrorists and fundamentalists with the support of right-wing political forces, e.g. Jamat-e-Islami, Hizb-ut-Tahrir, Hefazat-e-Islam etc., who targeted dissenters and minorities all over Bangladesh. After August 8, the interim government also joined the band and weaponized law enforcing agencies and judiciary to arrest more than a hundred thousand dissenters in thousands of baseless cases citing murder, torture, blasphemy and sedition charges. The current Yunus government’s primary targets are authors, filmmakers, journalists, lawyers, activists, secularists, human rights defenders and pro-liberation people. These people have dissented from the ideology of the anti-liberation and pro-Islamist right-wing forces, which the Yunus government is promoting now. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council is one of the few human rights organizations that raised the red flag regarding the persecution of religious and ethnic minorities in the name of attacking political opponents.

Advocate Rana Das Gupta, a human rights defender and General Secretary of the organization, stated in a press release dated September 19, 2024, that nearly 2010 violent incidents took place targeting religious and ethnic minorities between August 4 and August 20. However, the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM) reported that the real numbers are much higher and remain unreported (HRCBM, 2024). The government denied these numbers, and without proper investigation, they claim these reports are baseless. After the first report, Das Gupta found that he was named as accused in three (3) cases on baseless murder charges. Advocate Gupta was not the only one. Chinmoy Krishna Das, a monk of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), also raised his voice against the minority persecution. He demanded the immediate establishment of the Minority Rights Commission, the Ministry for Minority Affairs, the enactment of the Protection of Minority Act, etc. He was critical of the government’s denial of ongoing…

Current Affairs, Liberation War, Opinion, Politics, War

Reflecting on Bangladesh’s Independence: Honouring the Past and Addressing Present Challenges

Robi Das 25 March 2025

This article has two parts. The first part describes the black night of March 25, the early morning of March 26 and the declaration of independence by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The second part discusses the importance of the great Independence Day in the present context, the need to recognize the genocide in Bangladesh, and how to spread the true history of Independence Day among future generations.

25 March 2025

People lit candles in front of Saheed Minar. https://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/ddwxg5f9s8

Today is March 25, the National Genocide Day and tomorrow is the Great Independence Day of Bangladesh. I begin by respectfully recalling all the martyrs indiscriminately killed by the Pakistani occupation forces and their local collaborators on the black night of March 25, 1971. I also pay my homage to the martyrs and Beerangonas who sacrificed everything for the independence of Bangladesh. I pay my respects to the great hero of the nation's liberation, the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, without whom we cannot imagine the great liberation war of Bangladesh. Since August 5, last year, a lot has happened in Bangladesh. The country is now gripped by the controversial and violent activities of militant groups, including Hizb ut-Tahrir, Jamaat-e-Islami, AB Party, and other right-wing groups, including the newly formed National Citizens Party (NCP). The hyenas of 1971 have returned, and the ghosts of the Razakars, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams, collaborators of the Pakistani occupation forces, are trying

to forcibly establish extreme right-wing religious ideology, undermining the ideals of the great liberation war, democracy, socialism, and secularism. The destruction of Bangabandhu's historic house at Dhanmondi 32 exemplifies this. Bangabandhu's home has been attacked twice, and we lost Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975. Despite our best efforts, we cannot bring back the Father of the Nation, Bangamata, little Russell, Sheikh Kamal, and Sheikh Jamal. However, the house remained until the old neo-Razakar parties destroyed it, fearing that Bangabandhu's voice would declare independence again from house number 32, inspiring brave Bengalis to roar against the defeated power of 1971 and restore the ideals of the great liberation war. The article has two parts. The first part describes the black night of March 25, the early morning of March 26 and the declaration of independence by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The second part discusses the importance of the great Independence Day…