This paper critically examines the leaked draft of the U.S.–Bangladesh Reciprocal Trade Agreement, revealing it to be a deeply asymmetrical arrangement that compromises Bangladesh’s regulatory sovereignty, economic autonomy, and geopolitical independence. Under the guise of market access and tariff relief, the agreement imposes sweeping U.S. oversight across digital governance, labor law, defense procurement, environmental regulation, and data control. Rather than fostering mutual benefit, the proposed terms reflect a strategic restructuring of Bangladesh’s legal and economic infrastructure to serve U.S. commercial and strategic interests. The analysis situates this deal within the broader context of post-colonial dependency and calls for urgent public scrutiny, renegotiation, and activist resistance.

1. Introduction In July 2025, a confidential draft of the so-called U.S.-Bangladesh Agreement on Reciprocal Trade was leaked. At first glance, it appeared to be a bilateral deal to facilitate trade flows between the two countries. However, on closer inspection, the document revealed something far more consequential: a complex and far-reaching framework that, if ratified, would embed U.S. influence deep into Bangladesh’s economic, legal, and digital infrastructures. Drafted amid political instability and under an unelected interim government, this agreement must be understood not merely as a trade pact, but as a coercive tool of structural realignment: one that reorients Bangladesh’s legal, economic, and geopolitical frameworks to align with U.S. priorities, without public consultation or democratic mandate. This paper offers a critical examination of the agreement, exploring its key provisions, underlying logic, and broader implications. It further contextualizes the agreement within a lineage of similarly coercive international arrangements and concludes with strategic recommendations for activists, policymakers, and civil society actors committed

to protecting Bangladesh’s sovereignty. 1.1 Security Classification • Marked CONFIDENTIAL, with “Modified Handling Authorized.” • Declassification set for 4 years after enforcement/negotiation closure. • Suggests it is either a draft or pre-ratification version. • Legal effect is not yet public—yet expectations and timelines for Bangladeshi compliance are clear and immediate. 2. Critical Analysis of the Agreement The agreement, sprawling across 21 pages, is organized into six major sections: taxation, non-tariff barriers, digital trade and technology, rules of origin, commercial and national security terms, and investment and services. While billed as reciprocal, the obligations it places on Bangladesh far outweigh those asked of the United States. 2.1 Tariff & Non-Tariff Barriers One of the most striking aspects of the draft agreement lies in its treatment of tariff and non-tariff barriers. Bangladesh is effectively being asked to lower customs duties specifically on U.S. goods, potentially undermining the country’s ability to protect its local industries through strategic tariffs. Even more troubling, however, is…

In Bangladesh today, speaking truth to power can feel like standing alone in a storm. Mukit’s stand reminds us that every citizen carries the power—and responsibility—to safeguard the common good. It’s on us, as a society and as a government, to ensure that when conscience strikes, it finds not chains, but open doors and a grateful nation. 

In Bangladesh today, speaking truth to power can feel like standing alone in a storm. Mukit chose that storm. When he exposed misuse of public resources within a government institution, he did more than bare corruption—he performed an act of public service.   What Did Mukit Do:   Mukitul Hasan, Second Secretary at the Customs Policy Wing of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), has been suspended for allegedly leaking a classified state document. The leaked material pertained to sensitive tariff negotiations between Bangladesh and the United States, which were protected under a non-disclosure agreement (NDA). The breach was considered a serious violation of official discipline, especially given Hasan’s direct involvement in the negotiation process. A Bengali-language media outlet had published a report based on the leaked document, which was later withdrawn. In response, the NBR filed a case and issued the suspension order, signed by Chairman Abdur Rahman Khan. Separately, M Zillur Rahman, Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Cell,

was also suspended for publicly tearing his transfer order, alongside 14 other officials facing similar disciplinary action.  Mukit’s Courage and Its Costs  Mukit’s decision to disclose wrongdoing wasn’t born of personal vendetta. He witnessed funds diverted from essential healthcare projects and watched promises to the poorest slip away. By going public, he risked career derailment, social ostracism, and even legal harassment under outdated secrecy laws.  Yet Mukit’s bravery shines as a beacon: it reminds us that transparency isn’t optional. It’s the lifeblood of democracy and trust.   The Legal Shield in Bangladesh  The Public Interest Information Disclosure (Provide Protection) Act of 2011 was designed precisely for voices like Mukit’s:  Legal Immunity: He cannot face criminal, civil, or departmental action for revealing truthful, public-interest information.  Confidentiality: His identity is protected unless he opts into disclosure.  Protection from Retaliation: Demotion, forced retirement, harassment—all barred if he’s a government employee.  Evidence Shielding: Disclosures can’t be used against him in proceedings unless found maliciously false. …

Actually, how much civilized is a nation can be well measured by its intellectual properties as reflected through literature and culture, music and poetry, paintings and sculpture. Every nation which is a connoisseur of paintings and sculpture, protects its heritage with utmost efforts and their celebrated painters or sculptors are recollected through ‘larger than life’ novels and movies. The author narrates the curious case of Bangladesh after the color revolution of 2024.  

Bangabandhu's sculpture 'Mrityunjaya' at Bijoy Sarani

Destruction of Bangabandhu's sculpture 'Mrityunjaya' at Bijoy Sarani

‘সুতনুকা নাম দেবদাসিকী তং কাময়িথ বালানশেয়ে দেবদিন্নে নাম লুপদকখে!’  “Sutanuka by name, Devadasi. The excellent among young men loved her, Devadinna by name, skilled in sculpture" is the translation of the aforementioned line in the Magadhi Prakrita language of the ancient age India and inscribed upon the sculpture of a temple-based artist (in terms of singing and dancing) cum courtesan. Once celebrated Bengali novelist Narayan Sanyal, who is still evaluated within the critics, had authored a complete novel (সুতনুকা একটি দেবদাসীর নাম) on basis of this one single line inscription on the sculpture in the cave temple of Ramgarh mountain in Madhya Pradesh, India. A more loose and easily comprehensible Bengali translation of this line in Magadhi Prakrita goes on like: 'সুতনুকা নামে এক দেবদাসী, তাহারে ভালবাসিয়াছিল/ দেবদিন্নে নামে এক রূপদক্ষ। ’Generally the sculptors were termed as ‘রূপদক্ষ’ in Sanskrit which reads as ‘লুপদকখে’ in Magadhi Prakrita and ‘ভাস্কর’ in Bengali.   Michelangelo Buonarotti, one of the greatest sculptors of all

ages, thus depicted his perception about sculpting: ‘I saw the angel in the marble and carved until I set him free.’ The creator of ‘David,’ ‘Pieta,’ ‘Sistine Chapel’ and so many other monumental art-works further narrated sculpting as ‘In every block of marble I see a statue as plain as though it stood before me, shaped and perfect in attitude and action. I have only to hew away the rough walls that imprison the lovely apparition to reveal it to the other eyes as mine see it.’   Actually, how much civilized is a nation can be well measured by its intellectual properties as reflected through literature and culture, music and poetry, paintings and sculpture. Every nation which is a connoisseur of paintings and sculpture, protects its heritage with utmost efforts and their celebrated painters or sculptors are recollected through ‘larger than life’ novels and movies. Remember how Akira Kurosawa paid his tribute to Vincent Van Gogh in one of his…

In Mahfuz Alam’s hands, the word “mob” becomes a political mirror — reflecting only those struggles that threaten the new order. From Shahbagh to the People’s Courts, he retrofits secular justice movements into spectacles of irrational rage, while carefully omitting the rise of Islamist forces now embedded in power. His rhetoric isn’t argument — it’s choreography, built from contradictions and cloaked in abstraction. But the real danger isn’t what he says — it’s what he replaces: memory with manipulation, ethics with performance, revolution with revision. When Mahfuz speaks of Karbala, he isn't invoking resistance — he's rehearsing a morality play for a regime in need of a conscience.

“Mob means an opportunistic group that nurtures vengeful, directionless, revolutionary pretensions.” — Mahfuz Alam, Special Adviser to the Chief Adviser Let us begin with Mahfuz Alam’s own postscript — a sentence that reads like it’s been pulled from a thesaurus and passed off as philosophy. It is intended, one assumes, as a capstone to his moral framing of Bangladesh’s so-called “July revolution.” But this single line — vague, self-congratulatory, and strategically abstract — is far more revealing than its author might have intended. It does not define the mob; it betrays the mob of meaning. In Alam’s universe, a mob is not defined by who they are or what they do — but by who they threaten. And so begins the rhetorical sleight-of-hand: a redefinition of history, morality, and memory, with the aim of shielding the Interim Government’s foundational moment from scrutiny. But in trying to separate July’s student uprising from mobocracy, Mahfuz performs a quiet substitution: he lifts the

moral crimes of the present and lays them upon the past. The Mob Is Always the Other Who does Mahfuz include in his invented taxonomy of mobs? It’s instructive: • The 1971 violence against Biharis. • The early repression of anti-Mujib student voices. • Fifty-three years of attacks on religious minorities — but with no attribution. • The People’s Courts. • The ‘96 People’s Stage. • October 28 • Shahbagh. This is not analysis. It is a political Rorschach test — what shows up as “mob” in Mahfuz’s inkblot are the struggles that confront the forces he is now aligned with. Especially chilling is his treatment of Shahbagh — the spontaneous secular uprising that demanded justice for war criminals. In Mahfuz’s telling, it becomes “mob justice,” no different from communal riots. A movement rooted in the memory of the 1971 genocide is flattened into a faceless frenzy, and those who chanted for accountability are smeared as enemies of law and…

The article discusses Yunus' recent trip to the UK and the corruption allegation of Bangladesh government against British MP Tulip Siddique.

Tulip in full bloom: AI Generated

‘Mandar dafa bajna /Abir gul lala kum kum/  Keshor charato karawato/Kutuhal has e/Mandar dafa bajna.’   (Mandolins are being played/colored powders getting sprinkled/  Tulip unfurling her petals/Women have curious smiles on their lips).  (Hindustani Dhamar on the spring festival)  …It was the year of 1989. Me and my immediate elder sister used to attend a Hindustani classical music class (as many other middle-class Bengali girls attend in their childhood or adolescence days and later most of them cannot continue for studies, work or etc. etc.) where our teacher used to train us in ‘Dhrupad’ and ‘Dhamar’- two unique forms of Hindustani classical music besides the too commonly practiced ‘Kheyal.’ Sometimes we used to ask the teacher meaning of all these Hindustani lyrics and he tried to explain at his best. The aforementioned lyrics of Dhamar was composed by any of the classical lyricists of the sub-continent (or to be more accurate, by the lyricists from Persia or Afghanistan up to

the Indian sub-continent) to welcome the advent of spring and the word ‘gul lala’ means Tulip in Urdu and this Tulip is opening her petals in the spring (Keshar charato karawato). We know how much our Hindustani classical music has been enriched by the composers from Persia like Ameer Khasru and others. In fact, the word ‘Dafa’ means ‘Mandolin’, a particular type of musical instrument which used to be played in any festival in Persia and the adjoining regions and still it is played across a long route from Persia or central Asia to the Pakistan-North Indian territories. Although reputed Bengali musicians like Kabeer Suman are now-a-days advocating for writing Bengali Kheyals for better comprehension of the Bengali learners (as language often seems to be a barrier in understanding the North Indian classical music  and learning Hindustani classical is a pre-requisite for achieving minimum skills in music of this region), but can we ever deny that how the ancient and…

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