Thoughts on the Proposed Reforms to the Constitution of Bangladesh, our ‘Salus populi suprema lex esto’

Audity Falguni 26 March 2025

Be it Roman jurist Cicero, Greek philosopher Aristotle or comparatively modern ‘Social Contract’ writers like Hobbes, Locke or Jean Jacques Rosseau, ‘constitution’ has been acknowledged as the ‘supreme book ‘of a state across the civilizations. Bengalis, both a tolerant and rebel nation, have traversed the crude epochs of history over the millennium. Their struggle for justice and dignity touched its momentum with the birth of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971 and adoption of a liberal, democratic and egalitarian constitution. But how many times the military dictators and religious bigots have tried to destroy the fundamental tenets of our constitution? Are we facing that recurrent, dark trial even today?

26 March 2025

In a manner that resonates with the Latin maxim 'Salus populi suprema lex esto' (The welfare of the people shall be the supreme law), attributed to the renowned Roman jurist Cicero in De Legibus (Book III, Part III, Section VIII), the Constitution of Bangladesh similarly asserts in its Preamble. : Further pledging that it shall be a fundamental aim of the State to realize through the democratic process a socialist society, free from exploitation a society in which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political, economic, and social, will be secured for all citizens.’ Adopted by the Constituent Assembly on November 4, 1972, and coming into effect on December 16 of the same year, our Constitution is the culmination of our blood-stained, nine-month-long Liberation War in 1971. It consists of 153 articles, 11 parts, and 4 schedules. Our Constitution establishes Bangladesh as a ‘Unitary Parliamentary Democracy’ and enshrines the four fundamental principles of

nationalism, socialism, democracy, and secularism. The current ‘Constitution Reform Commission,’ chaired by Bangladeshi American political scientist and author Dr. Ali Riaz, a Professor at Illinois State University and a US citizen, has recently put forth seven significant proposals for changes to the Constitution of Bangladesh. These proposed reforms have sparked considerable debate across various segments of society. Even the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which might have been expected to benefit the most from the reforms scheduled for July 2024, as well as the satirical online magazine earki—another strong advocate for the July 2024 initiative—have voiced their dissent regarding these proposed constitutional changes. Evolution of Constitution Encyclopedia Britannica defines ‘constitution’ as ‘the body of doctrines and practices that form the fundamental organizing principle of a political state.’ Etymologically, the term ‘constitution’ is derived from the Latin word) constitutio, used for regulations and orders, such as the imperial enactments (constitutiones principis: edicta, mandata, decreta, rescripta, etc.). Later, the term was vastly used in Canon law for any pertinent determination, particularly a…

Current Affairs, Liberation War, Opinion, Politics, War

Reflecting on Bangladesh’s Independence: Honouring the Past and Addressing Present Challenges

Robi Das 25 March 2025

This article has two parts. The first part describes the black night of March 25, the early morning of March 26 and the declaration of independence by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The second part discusses the importance of the great Independence Day in the present context, the need to recognize the genocide in Bangladesh, and how to spread the true history of Independence Day among future generations.

25 March 2025

People lit candles in front of Saheed Minar. https://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/ddwxg5f9s8

Today is March 25, the National Genocide Day and tomorrow is the Great Independence Day of Bangladesh. I begin by respectfully recalling all the martyrs indiscriminately killed by the Pakistani occupation forces and their local collaborators on the black night of March 25, 1971. I also pay my homage to the martyrs and Beerangonas who sacrificed everything for the independence of Bangladesh. I pay my respects to the great hero of the nation's liberation, the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, without whom we cannot imagine the great liberation war of Bangladesh. Since August 5, last year, a lot has happened in Bangladesh. The country is now gripped by the controversial and violent activities of militant groups, including Hizb ut-Tahrir, Jamaat-e-Islami, AB Party, and other right-wing groups, including the newly formed National Citizens Party (NCP). The hyenas of 1971 have returned, and the ghosts of the Razakars, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams, collaborators of the Pakistani occupation forces, are trying

to forcibly establish extreme right-wing religious ideology, undermining the ideals of the great liberation war, democracy, socialism, and secularism. The destruction of Bangabandhu's historic house at Dhanmondi 32 exemplifies this. Bangabandhu's home has been attacked twice, and we lost Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975. Despite our best efforts, we cannot bring back the Father of the Nation, Bangamata, little Russell, Sheikh Kamal, and Sheikh Jamal. However, the house remained until the old neo-Razakar parties destroyed it, fearing that Bangabandhu's voice would declare independence again from house number 32, inspiring brave Bengalis to roar against the defeated power of 1971 and restore the ideals of the great liberation war. The article has two parts. The first part describes the black night of March 25, the early morning of March 26 and the declaration of independence by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The second part discusses the importance of the great Independence Day…

Analysis, Minority Rights, Opinion

Political vs. Religious Motives: Uncovering the Truth Behind Targeted Violence

Robi Das 5 February 2025

Current Yunus government is continuously denying the claims of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC) saying that the killings reported by the organisation are political in nature. The government did not find that those persons were killed due to their religious identity. However, while making this claim the government ignored the victim perspective, and the motive behind selecting the victim.

5 February 2025

The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), a civil society organisation representing religious and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh, claimed in a press conference on 30 January 2025 that between 21 August and 31 December, 174 incidents of violence against religious minorities occurred in the country. Among these incidents, the organisation reported 23 killings. Soon after, the current Yunus government responded, alleging that BHBCUC was spreading rumours and misinformation, asserting that none of these individuals were killed because of their religious identity but rather due to political rivalry, land disputes, or as victims of general crimes. Sadly, of all possible approaches, that was the government’s first response to the BHBCUC report, without even looking into the claims or investigating them. Such sweeping claims from the current government are not new as we have witnessed numerous times since they took power in August last year. It appears that the government has adopted a ‘deny and discredit first’ policy against any claims

of human rights violations. This is very concerning. Previously, in December, the current Press Secretary (better termed as ‘spokesperson’) made the same assertion as above. Worryingly, such government responses are enabling certain commentators, such as 2 Cents Podcasts, to spread hatred against the Hindu populace of Bangladesh by labelling them as Indian sympathisers or agents. However, this article is not about any specific kinds of activism but rather about the broader question: How does a crime become classified as a political crime or a religion-based crime? The Yunus government has consistently argued, since 8 August 2024, that most crimes committed against religious and ethnic minorities are politically motivated killings—as if killing someone for political reasons is somehow justifiable. Political crimes and crimes committed against individuals due to their religious identity are indeed distinct in their motivations and objectives, though they often overlap. When comparing a person targeted for their political beliefs to one targeted for their religious beliefs, the key…