{"id":24770,"date":"2025-07-27T19:30:51","date_gmt":"2025-07-27T18:30:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/?p=24770"},"modified":"2025-07-27T19:30:51","modified_gmt":"2025-07-27T18:30:51","slug":"guilty-before-trial-a-dissection-of-al-jazeeras-36-days-in-july","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/iconusclustus\/24770","title":{"rendered":"Guilty before Trial: A Dissection of Al Jazeera\u2019s \u201c36 Days in July\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>1: The Spectacle Disguised as Journalism<\/strong><br \/>\nAl Jazeera\u2019s <em>\u201cHASINA \u2013 36 Days in July\u201d<\/em> is marketed as an investigative documentary. In truth, it functions as a media indictment. From framing to narration, from sourcing to visual mood-setting, the entire feature seems less interested in investigating the truth than in delivering a preordained verdict: Sheikh Hasina is guilty.<\/p>\n<p>Al Jazeera and the BBC, in their respective pieces, center their accusations on a short leaked audio clip \u2014 barely 80 seconds long \u2014 which they treat as a smoking gun. For the sake of brevity, this article will only focus on Al Jazeera Documentary.  This audio captures a voice that has allegedly been attributed to the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, issuing directives in the midst of a violent uprising. The audio, at the time of publishing, is neither forensically authenticated nor interpreted with journalistic caution. Worse, its use is framed within a montage of insinuations, selective voices, and emotionally charged imagery, producing what can only be described as trial-by-media.<\/p>\n<p>Yet the words themselves offer no blanket order for violence, let alone student killings.<br \/>\nThe central &#8220;evidence&#8221; of this so-called investigation \u2014 the short leaked audio clip \u2014 that this documentary and the BBC feature appeared within days of each other, using the same core audio material and overlapping narrative structure, raises serious questions about coordination \u2014 if not lobbying. It is not implausible to suspect that this is not independent journalism but a synchronized narrative push, especially considering the actors it platformed and the timing with an ongoing legal trial.<\/p>\n<p><strong>2: The So-Called Smoking Gun \u2013 A Short Audio, A Long Stretch<\/strong><br \/>\nIn the audio materials, the individual in question can be heard stating: <\/p>\n<p><em>\u201cI have told them \u2014 if necessary, shoot\u2026 Students\u2019 lives must be saved\u2026 But if anyone creates terror, if there\u2019s no other way \u2014 you must act.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The voice in the audio reveals a response to a crisis driven by necessity, not malice. The language is conditional and restrained: <em>\u201cif necessary,\u201d<\/em> <em>\u201cif anyone creates terror,\u201d<\/em> <em>\u201cif there\u2019s no other way.\u201d<\/em> The intent is clear\u2014safeguarding the lives of students while ensuring that no civilians are targeted. This is not an indiscriminate incitation to violence, but a careful instruction amidst chaos. The advice given is reactive, not preemptive; its target is the neutralization of terror, not the quelling of dissent. Describing this as criminalizing the situation is inaccurate. What is imparted is not a command to kill\u2014it is a strained moment of executive decision-making under immense duress.<\/p>\n<p>The circulated audio fails to depict any of the above indicators; rather, it shows a political figure struggling to navigate through a series of conflicting dilemmas\u2014namely, the safety of innocent students on one hand and the instances of violent uprisings on the other.<\/p>\n<p>It is essential to note that the use of force as a response to violent unrest is not, in itself, a crime. In fact, in many democracies, it is a recognized duty of the executive government to uphold law and order. There are precedents in history. During the bombings in London in 2005, for example, the then-Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Tony Blair, authorized a \u201cshoot-to-kill\u201d policy against suspected suicide bombers\u2014a decision of the moment to prevent large-scale casualties. This controversial policy was the subject of much debate, yet it was not considered illegal. Rather, it was recognized as a difficult decision in a situation of perceived imminent threat.<\/p>\n<p>The demarcation in the criminal sector takes place when:<br \/>\n\u2022\tForce is exercised indiscriminately;<br \/>\n\u2022\tForce is disproportionate to threat;<br \/>\n\u2022\tForcible tactics are in use against civilians without any factual justification.<\/p>\n<p>In determining the occurrence of these variables in the Bangladesh scenario\u2014namely, the feasibility of a violent insurgency, the reasonableness of police agencies&#8217; reactions, and serious security issues for the safety of scholars\u2014it will be important to undertake rigorous, evidence-based scholarship. Special care must be exercised to prevent hasty inferences.<\/p>\n<p>Secondly, Al Jazeera\u2019s reporting does not meet basic standards of evidentiary integrity, specifically for its inability to provide a specific timestamp for what it claims is an audio tape. This detail is important, and the omission is not trivial. After July 18, the situation in Bangladesh took a turn for the worse in all aspects. Nonviolent protests were gradually replaced by cases of violence. Security forces and some civilians became the targets for aggression\u2014a phenomenon not alien to local informants or international observers, including those representing diplomatic missions and independent human rights monitoring groups\u2014despite the fact that the vast majority of demonstrators participated in nonviolent activities. However, credible reports state that an armed group was behind various cases of destructive activities, including the burning down of government infrastructure and the attack on police officers.<\/p>\n<p>In such situations, it is evident that a government leader has a constitutional and legal right to issue directives for the restoration of order and the protection of public and human life. This has always been upheld within democratic systems. In the case of riots at the Capitol on January 6, 2021, for example, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and then-Vice President Mike Pence coordinated with federal agencies to approve preemptive actions, including the use of armed forces, in order to restore order. <\/p>\n<p>Third, the claim made by Al Jazeera about helicopter fire is a serious allegation; nevertheless, independent verification is lacking. Significantly, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the organization involved in this case, has squarely denied any role, including with regard to this same operation. This denial, despite personal prejudices against the group, requires close scrutiny based on available evidence. To date, there is no conclusive forensic or audiovisual evidence incriminating aerial fire on the basis of government orders.<\/p>\n<p>To criminalize this moment \u2014 absent a full and impartial inquiry \u2014 is to criminalize the very act of governing under pressure. What the BBC and Al Jazeera are advancing is not legal scrutiny rooted in evidence and procedure. It is a trial by the media, with guilt already assumed and context deliberately stripped away. That is not justice. It is narrative-building under the guise of accountability.<\/p>\n<p><strong>3: On Timing and Legality \u2013 Media Interference in Sub-Judice Trials<\/strong><br \/>\nPerhaps the most disturbing aspect of \u201c36 Days in July\u201d is its timing. As this documentary aired, a murder case against Sheikh Hasina was \u2014 and still is \u2014 sub-judice in Bangladesh. The leaked audio is likely to be submitted as part of legal proceedings. Broadcasting it widely, edited and uncontextualized, amounts to prejudicing public perception during a live trial.<\/p>\n<p>Even more alarming is the on-screen appearance of Tajul Islam, the Chief Prosecutor of Bangladesh&#8217;s International Crimes Tribunal. A man tasked with prosecuting war crimes is shown offering media commentary on a contemporary, unrelated case, one involving alleged crimes against humanity \u2014 and the accused is the former Prime Minister.<\/p>\n<p>His public statements, during an ongoing investigation, compromise prosecutorial impartiality. In any judicial setting that respects the rule of law, such conduct would constitute grounds for recusal, if not outright disciplinary action.<\/p>\n<p>This is not a question of press freedom. This is a question of whether the global media is enabling a collapse of due process in a post-coup Bangladesh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>4: The Hidden Hands \u2013 Biased Sourcing, Known Agendas<\/strong><br \/>\nMedia narratives are shaped not only by what is shown, but who is allowed to speak. In both the Al Jazeera and BBC features, the key voices are far from neutral.<\/p>\n<p>Take <strong>Sadik Kayem<\/strong>, prominently featured in Al Jazeera\u2019s documentary. Described as a \u201cstudent protest leader,\u201d Kayem is now widely known to have had deep affiliations with Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami. This organization has a documented history of campus violence \u2014 particularly the horrific practice of tendon-cutting against political opponents. That a known Shibir affiliate is treated as a neutral witness, without disclosure of his ideological background, is not just irresponsible \u2014 it is deliberately deceptive.<\/p>\n<p>Then there is <strong>Toby Cadman<\/strong>, the legal mind quoted by the BBC. For over a decade, Cadman has acted as legal advisor to convicted war criminals from Jamaat-e-Islami, representing them in international forums and pushing narratives that discredit the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh. His consistent alignment with Islamist political actors makes his inclusion in such a critical context ethically problematic and journalistically negligent.<\/p>\n<p>By centering voices with undisclosed political stakes, the documentary becomes an instrument of soft propaganda, not truth-seeking.<\/p>\n<p><strong>5: The Political Optics \u2013 The Real Story Behind \u201c36 Days in July\u201d<\/strong><br \/>\nThe real scandal in Al Jazeera\u2019s \u201c36 Days in July\u201d is not what it exposes \u2014 but what it ignores. It ignores the murder of police officers, the arson of state institutions, the coordination behind attacks. It paints student protesters as homogenous innocents and law enforcement as monsters \u2014 as if there were no infiltrations, no sabotage, no fifth columns.<\/p>\n<p>The key voices they select to build this narrative \u2014 Sadik Kayem and Toby Cadman \u2014 are not dispassionate observers. Kayem, we now know, has deep connections to Shibir, the militant student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, a group known for political assassinations and campus terror. Cadman, for years, has acted as legal counsel to Jamaat figures accused of crimes against humanity.<\/p>\n<p>This is not journalism \u2014 it is partisan storytelling, designed to de-legitimize the executive at a time when she is already under legal siege. It is no coincidence that these materials are surfacing while a murder case against Sheikh Hasina is sub-judice.<\/p>\n<p>When international media amplify \u201cevidence\u201d mid-trial, and when the ICT Chief Prosecutor publicly comments in a partisan manner, we are no longer talking about freedom of press \u2014 we are talking about judicial interference by media proxy.<\/p>\n<p><strong>6: Conclusion \u2013 This Isn\u2019t Journalism, It\u2019s Trial by Media<\/strong><br \/>\nAl Jazeera, instead of investigating the broader arc of violence \u2014 including the systematic targeting of law enforcement officers and the real architects of the uprising \u2014 has chosen to indict only one figure: the woman who stood at the center of power when the state was under siege.<\/p>\n<p>The statement, presented as a factual assertion without any formal investigation, verification, or disclaimer to qualify the uncertainty, constitutes not only poor reporting but also unethical journalism and a violation of the Global Charter of Ethics for Journalists, drawn up in cooperation with the International Federation of Journalists. The obligation to \u201creport exclusively on the facts of which they are informed of the source\u201d and to \u201cclearly distinguish facts and opinions\u201d has been flouted.<\/p>\n<p>If the recording is obtained through the DGFI, this principle of the Charter is also relevant:<br \/>\n\u201c4. The journalist shall use only fair methods to obtain information, images, documents and data and he\/she will always report his\/her status as a journalist and will refrain from using hidden recordings of images and sounds, except where it is impossible for him\/her to collect information that is overwhelmingly in the public interest. He\/she will demand free access to all sources of information and the right to freely investigate all facts of public interest.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>By amplifying voices aligned with violent or ideological agendas, and airing untested evidence during an active trial, Al Jazeera has moved from journalism to something far more insidious \u2014 <strong>media-assisted regime change<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p><strong>References<\/strong><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>BBC News Feature (July 2024)<\/strong><br \/>\n&#8220;Sheikh Hasina leaked audio: What did Bangladesh PM say?&#8221;<br \/>\n<a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cn4l1z5qd1vo\">https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cn4l1z5qd1vo<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Al Jazeera Documentary (July 2024)<\/strong><br \/>\nHASINA \u2013 36 DAYS IN JULY<br \/>\n<a href=\"https:\/\/share.google\/hRoBz2LhK8N2y4Uk3\">https:\/\/share.google\/hRoBz2LhK8N2y4Uk3<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Public profiles and history of Sadik Kayem<\/strong><br \/>\no\tStudent movement organiser Shadik exposed as Shibir president <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/y89fmz5s\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/y89fmz5s<\/a><br \/>\no\tWho are the members of DU Chhatra Shibir committee? <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/482dwm6t\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/482dwm6t<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Background on Jamaat-e-Islami and Shibir&#8217;s violent history<\/strong><br \/>\no\tJamaat-Shibir attack on police and the psychological benefits of violence. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mrxhn8r5\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mrxhn8r5<\/a><br \/>\no\t<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mrxhn8r5\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mrxhn8r5<\/a><br \/>\no\tIn the name of \u201cright to protest\u201d, BNP-Jamaat maintained notorious political culture: Joy. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/42xjtrka\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/42xjtrka <\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Toby Cadman \u2013 Legal Representation<\/strong><br \/>\no\tToby Cadman: A crusader for rights or devil\u2019s advocate?. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tmpnmazz\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tmpnmazz<\/a><br \/>\no\tWhen the Ends Don\u2019t Justify the Means: The \u2018Morality of Justice\u2019 in Bangladesh. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/4skzv5w2\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/4skzv5w2<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Bangladesh ICT \u2013 Role of Chief Prosecutor Tajul Islam<\/strong><br \/>\no\tConflict of Interest Surrounding Chief Prosecutor of International Crimes Tribunal: Whose Side Is He On\u2014War Criminals or the State?. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/ycxe42er\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/ycxe42er<\/a><br \/>\no\tQuestions emerge over Tajul Islam\u2019s involvement in ATM Azharul\u2019s case. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yc6x94zs\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yc6x94zs<\/a><br \/>\no\tIs Sheikh Hasina\u2019s Trial a Politically Driven \u201cKangaroo Court\u201d?. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yc6s9abu\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yc6s9abu<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Judicial Ethics Guidelines<\/strong><br \/>\no\tCommentary on the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/3ktdzxc4\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/3ktdzxc4<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>Comparative State Use of Force<\/strong><br \/>\no\tEmmanuel Macron\u2019s Year of Cracking Heads. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tf78zwdt\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tf78zwdt <\/a><br \/>\no\tFederal &#8216;occupying force&#8217; to pull out of Portland, Oregon governor announces. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2bh89n2w\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2bh89n2w<\/a><br \/>\no\t31st G8 summit. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/23yhuy49\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/23yhuy49<\/a><br \/>\n\u2022\t<strong>International Federation of Journalists.<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ifj.org\/actions\">https:\/\/www.ifj.org\/actions<\/a>  <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Al Jazeera\u2019s \u201c36 Days in July\u201d is not journalism\u2014it is a selectively sourced, politically motivated character assassination. By platforming figures tied to extremist groups and omitting critical legal and historical context, it weaponizes leaked audio to vilify Sheikh Hasina and legitimize a coup born of coordinated violence.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22361,"featured_media":24771,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[5336,5349,2349,5328,5323],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[5509],"class_list":["post-24770","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","category-bangladesh","category-current_affairs","category-journalism","category-review"],"aioseo_notices":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/AJ_Docu_Hasina_27July25.png?fit=1536%2C1024&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/pghjur-6rw","jetpack_likes_enabled":false,"authors":[{"term_id":5509,"user_id":22361,"is_guest":0,"slug":"iconusclustus","display_name":"Iconus Clustus","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/e7cd19a9fbea2c265aed923f249aad95f3bf8f897de7c4b3706b8f28521b029f?s=96&d=retro&r=g","0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24770","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/22361"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=24770"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24770\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":24774,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24770\/revisions\/24774"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/24771"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=24770"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=24770"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=24770"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/muktangon.blog\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=24770"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}